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Campaign Against Lawyers’“Criminal Gang” Broadens

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Chinese authorities’ sweeping move against dozens of rights lawyers and activists late last week has expanded further over the weekend. The number of people reportedly involved has surged to over 100 across China, and the offices of three law practices—most notably Beijing Fengrui Law Firm—have been searched. Fengrui lawyers Wang Yu, Zhou Shifeng, Wang Quanzhang, and Huang Liqun, as well as Wang’s husband Bao Longjun and Fengrui administrative assistant Liu Sixin have all been criminally detained.

Amnesty International cautions that “it is difficult to determine who has been detained by the authorities, or taken in for questioning and who may have simply gone into hiding to avoid possible detention,” but estimates that 101 people have been targeted, of whom 25 remain in custody or missing. According to a crowdsourced list tracking the disappearances, as of 7:00 a.m. PDT on Monday lawyers Sui Muqing and Xie Yang, and Christian rights activist Ge Ping are under residential surveillance, while another four lawyers—Li Shuyun, Li Heping, Zheng Enchong, and Zhou Lixin—and 13 others are missing. Another 88 lawyers and 16 others have reportedly been briefly detained or questioned.

Meanwhile, state media has laid out the case against the detainees. Huang Liqun and Zhai Yanmin, a Fengrui employee detained three weeks ago, both appeared on China Central Television to confess. (Televised confessions have caused considerable concern among rights advocates over the past two years.) Verna Yu at South China Morning Post described their alleged wrongdoings:

In an article on Sunday headlined “Uncovering the dark story of ‘rights defence’.”, spanning two-thirds of its second page, People’s Daily said the Ministry of Public Security launched the operation to “smash a major criminal gang that had used the Beijing Fengrui law firm as a platform since July 2012 to draw attention to sensitive cases, seriously disturbing social order”.

The article said the firm’s director Zhou Shifeng, his assistant Liu Sixin, lawyers Wang Quanzhang, Huang Liqun, Wang Yu and her husband Bao Longjun were in criminal detention for “seriously violating the law”. It did not specify a charge. On the mainland, police can detain suspects for up to 37 days before prosecutors approve their formal arrests.

It said “the criminal gang” comprised Zhou, Wang Yu, Wang Quanzhang, Huang as well as Liu, Bao and high-profile activist Wu Gan [background via CDT], who masterminded many plots in the name of “rights defence, justice and public interest”. It accused them of “colluding with petitioners to disturb social order and to reach their goals with ulterior motives”.

[…] People’s Daily said Wu was “a key player” in drawing a huge public outcry over the fatal shooting of an unarmed man, Xu Chunhe, by a policeman in Qingan, Heilongjiang [background via CDT], in May, offering 100,000 yuan (HK$126,000) for any footage showing the incident. Other rights lawyers were accused of involvement. “These lawyers publicly challenged the court … and mobilised troublemakers to rally petitioners … outside the court,” it said. “They are the direct pushers.” [Source]

State news agency Xinhua explained how the alleged conspirators “severely disrupted public order” in “more than 40 controversial incidents” since July 2012:

First, it was the lawyers’ job to hype up an incident, according to Zhai Yanmin, a major organizer of the group.

[…] Then the job shifted to social media celebrities and petitioners. Wu Gan, known for “boldly” stirring controversial incidents, posted messages on his social media account, offering 100,000 yuan (16,106 U.S. dollars) for any video clips that have caught the “truth” of the incident.

Zhai then hired “petitioners” to shout slogans, sit quietly and raise defiant signs to support the lawyers. According to one suspect surnamed Li, she was paid 600 yuan for carrying a sign onsite.

There are others responsible for filming scenes of “mass incidents” and posting them on some overseas websites to manipulate public opinion.

“They have been following the protocol in hyping up such incidents since 2013, when I first entered the business,” said Zhai, adding many of his peers were resentful of the Party and the government, taking pride in being detained by the police.

[…] The suspects, Zhai, Wu, Huang Liqun and Liu Xing have reflected on their alleged crimes and realized their harmful impact, said the statement. [Source]

An editorial from Global Times blasted the alleged conspiracy:

The rule of law is meant to maintain social order and uphold justice. It should promote social harmony, but radical human rights lawyers are intentionally creating conflict between the government and the public. Through false information, they paint the government as a “protector of evil,” and law-breakers as “brave citizens.” Thus, the truth has been blurred as individual cases were portrayed as the “people’s fight against tyranny,” and promoted as “the real defender of people’s rights.”

China is committed to promoting the rule of law. Yet a handful of extremists are making every effort to discredit the government, and that the radical lawyers are the “good guys.” This is no longer the rule of law, but politically-motivated provocation. It is regrettable to see a few legal professionals trying to obstruct the rule of law. If public officials are involved in a case, radical lawyers may appear to stoke public opinion. No country would encourage their lawyers to operate this way. [Source]

More of the official case against the lawyers is translated at The New York Times’ Sinosphere blog and at Fei Chang Dao. The latter, which reported the blockage of Sina Weibo searches for lawyers Wang Yu and Li Heping on Saturday, noted more recent blocks on “Lawyer Chang Boyang” and “Lawyer Jiang Tianyong” as of Sunday. Furthermore, it added, censorship of the phrases “Lawyer Li Heping,” “lawyers disappeared,” and “Black Friday lawyers” had itself been concealed. Users ordinarily receive a notice that “in accordance with relevant laws, regulations, and policies, search results […] have not been displayed”; by Sunday, however, this was no longer shown.

The Hong Kong-based Progressive Lawyers’ Group issued a statement condemning the sweep:

We can of course spend much time conducting significant amounts of analysis to explain why the authorities’ allegations are either unfounded or deeply misleading. However, the fact that the very mission of lawyers is to protect rights needs no analysis. The fact that ordinary people who are being persecuted have the right to seek the assistance of lawyers needs no analysis. The fact that under a system without judicial independence, ordinary citizens and lawyers are forced, as a last resort, to mass protests and fundraising for group litigation in order to seek justice from the Courts, needs no analysis. As such, the fact that the recent arrests, detentions and disappearances are without basis needs no analysis. [Source]

A report on the crackdown from Josh Chin and Te-Ping Chen at The Wall Street Journal included more dismayed reactions:

New York University law professor Jerome Cohen, one of the first American lawyers to work in China after the country opened up in the late 1970s, described the sweep as “insane.” China’s leaders “must be in desperate straits to engage in this extraordinary, coordinated attack on human-rights lawyers,” he said.

Frustration with China’s Communist Party-controlled courts has given rise to a coterie of self-described “die-hard” lawyers who use confrontational tactics in and outside the courtroom in defense of clients whose cases are considered politically sensitive. Such lawyers have sometimes had run-ins with local authorities, but William Nee, China researcher at Amnesty International, said the orders for this week’s sweep likely came from Beijing.

[…] President Xi has made rule of law a cornerstone of his public agenda, but has also escalated restrictions on civil-society groups since coming to power. “The crackdown over the last two years has been so systematic that the attack on human-rights lawyers is the next logical step for authorities—but that’s especially worrying as they are the last gatekeeper of civil society for China,” said Maya Wang of Human Rights Watch.

“Of course, if human-rights lawyers can be neutralized, then the party will have the ideal situation: laws that look good on their face, but are never applied in ways that will interfere with government politics,” Mr. Cohen said. [Source]

WSJ’s Review & Outlook column similarly argued:

The real reason for this crackdown is a rising rights consciousness among ordinary Chinese. Though they know the legal system offers scant protection, many Chinese citizens are willing to file a lawsuit when their civil or property rights are violated. And though they know the result could be prison or worse, they often make a fuss using the Internet and every other means at their disposal.

The stubborn lawyers who defend these stubborn clients represent a challenge to the Party’s claim to stand above the rule of law. And that is why extralegal methods are used against them. Most of the families of the detained lawyers have not even been notified, also in violation of Chinese law. They have simply disappeared into secret prisons.

This mistreatment of legal professionals is one more escalation by supreme leader Xi Jinping in his crackdown on all political dissent. It reveals to the world again that the rule of law in China is simply whatever the Communist Party says it is. [Source]

Harvard-based rights lawyer Teng Biao expressed defiant optimism, Matthew Robertson reported at Epoch Times:

“Since 2003 the rights defense community in China has been growing in activity, and becoming more and more powerful. The authorities have been worried, and have wanted to find a way to sever it.”

He added: “They’ve been cooking this up for a while. It’s a cleaning out of this whole group of lawyers.”

Were he still in China, Teng may well have been among those targeted.

“They don’t have any way to solve the problem,” he said. “If they lock up 50, new lawyers will stand up. They’ll just keep locking people up, and new people will keep coming.” [Source]

On Sunday, the U.S. State Department issued a brief statement:

Over the last few days we have noted with growing alarm reports that Chinese public security forces have systematically detained individuals who share the common attribute of peacefully defending the rights of others, including those who lawfully challenge official policies. ‎We are deeply concerned that the broad scope of the new National Security Law [background via CDT] is being used as a legal facade to commit human rights abuses. We strongly urge China to respect the rights of all of its citizens and to release all those who have recently been detained for seeking to protect the rights of Chinese citizens. [Source]

Republican congressman Chris Smith, Chair of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, labeled the crackdown “another step in President Xi’s increasingly muscular campaign to crush dissent,” noting that “the detentions […] set an ugly tone for President Xi’s U.S. visit in September.” A petition at WhiteHouse.gov is calling for Xi’s invitation to be revoked, asking that “all official exchanges with the Chinese government should be suspended until this matter is resolved.”


© Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2015. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
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Drawing the News: A Lawyer’s Visit in Prison

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Cartoonist Rebel Pepper comments on the recent police round-up of more than 100 lawyers and human rights activists, dozens of whom remain in police custody and have been targeted for condemnation by the official Chinese media.

A Lawyer’s Visit in Prison, by Rebel Pepper:
lawyersinjail

In the top panel of Rebel Pepper’s drawing, the typical situation for prisoners is shown: The prisoner asks a guard to see his lawyer, and the lawyer is brought in to discuss the case. The bottom panel depicts the situation in China, where the lawyer and his client are both detainees in the same prison.

Read more about the “Black Friday” crackdown on rights lawyers, via CDT. Read more by and about Rebel Pepper.


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Minitrue: Detention of “Trouble-Making” Lawyers

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The following censorship instructions, issued to the media by government authorities, have been leaked and distributed online. The name of the issuing body has been omitted to protect the source.

All websites must, without exception, use as the standard official and authoritative media reports with regards to the detention of trouble-making lawyers by the relevant departments. Personnel must take care to find and delete harmful information; do not repost news from non-standard sources. (July 14, 2015) [Chinese]

Over 100 human rights lawyers and activists have been detained or questioned since last week in what state media call an operation against “conspirators” who are “colluding with petitioners to disturb social order and to reach their goals with ulterior motives.” The crackdown has especially targeted the Beijing Fengrui Law Firm, which was searched by the authorities last week, on the grounds that it headed a “major criminal gang” masterminding disruptions to public order and committing “serious” but unspecified crimes. Amnesty reports that 148 lawyers and activists had been swept up by Tuesday, with at least 25 still in custody, under residential surveillance, or missing.

To protect the dominance of official information on the sweep, authorities have warned those targeted to keep quiet, though not all have complied. Reuters reported that “four lawyers taken in for questioning said police had warned them not to advocate for Wang [Yu, one of at least six under criminal detention], according to accounts by them and other activists.” A Zhejiang-based lawyer reportedly received a message from Shanghai police warning him not to publish related information, “‘otherwise, we have a way to gao,’ or mess with, ‘you and your son.’” Two lawyers told The Guardian that “I can’t talk to foreign media. Please be understanding. It’s my way of self-protection,” and “my phone is probably tapped and I can’t discuss the case.”

State media, meanwhile, have followed their recitation of accusations against the lawyers by dismissing foreign protests at their treatment. Xinhua warned that “Western media who support of human rights and justice should take better care to ensure they stand on the right side of the line,” while Global Times argued that the U.S. State Department’s claim that the lawyers “lawfully challenge official policies” should “be destroyed through open and fair trials of those detained.”

真Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source.


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Translation: Wang Yi’s Ode to Black Friday Lawyers

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Wang Yi, the pastor of the Early Rain Reformed Church in Chengdu, has written a poem about the lawyers and activists he has known who have served prison terms for their work. Spurred by the recent questioning and detention of over 100 lawyers and activists, Wang recalls passing acquaintances and fierce friendships alike. Wang’s faith urges his friends and himself to continue their rights defense work, despite the increasingly dire consequences.

Oh, I Have So Many Friends

Liu Xiaobo is my friend
I have nothing more to say
Gao Zhisheng is my friend, too
Though the times we’ve met are few
Xu Zhiyong is my friend
He’s come to my home, and listened to me preach
Chen Yunfei is my friend
Even on summer break
His daughter is used to daddy not being at home

Liu Xianbin is my brother
He preached the Gospel to a thief in prison
I haven’t seen his wife for some time
Li Huaping is my brother, he weighs about the same as me
Of course I mean before he went to prison
Tang Jingling is my brother
I first met him in Guangzhou, he was wearing straw sandals
Chen Wei is my brother, too
We’ve only had a meal together, but because he was kind
He put up with me and listened to me preach

Li Heping is a dear brother
Some years ago, I’d go to him whenever things went wrong
Li Fangping is a dear brother, too, his name one character different from Heping’s
Elder Hu Shigen is a dear friend, too
We met first in Beijing, then Chengdu
Fan Yafeng is my brother, also my elder
He has made me to kneel down in his home
To say the Sinner’s prayer for the last time

Yang Maodong is my friend, too
Though many thought I was his enemy
His lawyer, Sui Muqing, has come to the church twice
And has shaken my hand twice. When I heard he was taken away
My hand suddenly felt warm

Ran Yunfei is my old friend
Pu Zhiqiang is my friend, too
When one friend is in prison, I call the another
Then Xia Lin also went to prison
We drank together once—of course I drank tea instead
Prisoners appreciate each other
So friends of friends also become friends

Oh, I have so many friends
Guo Yushan and I spent an afternoon talking in my study
Xiao Shu was in my living room, but left before he’d warmed his seat
Wang Qingying came to Chengdu many years ago, and knocked on my door
Zheng Enchong I haven’t met once
But his wife just came to Bible study at my home

Tan Zuoren is a dear friend
I remember when we first drank tea by a river—he said
You be careful, whatever you do don’t go to prison
Who would know that he would be the one to go

There are others who I must first befriend
Before I have the chance to really know them
Like Shi Tao, like Yang Zili
There are some other dear friends, who I can only visit overseas
Like Brother Yu Jie in the United States
And Brother Teng Biao in Hong Kong

And my friend Li Bifeng, he even asked someone
To bring a note out to me
Asking me to help his son stay in Canada, to never come back
And my brother Wang Bingzhang. I went together with his daughter
To Washington, D.C., to the Senate
And Yang Tianshui, and Xu Wanping
And Huang Qi, whose wife was baptized in the church
And Yan Wenhan. Before he got involved in the Chain Incident
He was a catechism student at the Early Rain Church.

Oh, I have so many friends
Mostly from Beijing, then from Chengdu, thirdly from Guangdong
Oh, I have so many friends
Mostly men, leaving their wives and children behind
Oh, I have so many friends
It won’t make a big difference with or without me

Oh, I have so many friends
But I’m not ashamed, I’m proud
Oh, I have so many friends
All convicts, not a single scholar
Oh, I have so many friends
What should I be afraid of? If God sends me to prison,
There’ll always be someone saying, “Wang Yi is my friend,”
“Wang Yi is my brother,”
“We’ll pray for him. We’ll take care of his wife and kids.”

July 13, 2015, in the dark of the night, thinking of my friends. [Chinese]

Translation by Mengyu Dong.


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State Media: More Confessions from “Black Friday” Lawyers

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The number of lawyers and activists detained, questioned, or missing since “Black Friday” on July 10 has now passed 230, with 14 still in custody and the whereabouts of another six unknown. The sweep has focused on the Beijing-based Fengrui law firm, whose alleged organization of online and offline protests has been described in state media as “very close to blackmailing a court into a favorable verdict through the pressure of media and public opinion.”

Similar charges, though, might be leveled back at state media. Their concerted campaign against the lawyers, which other organizations have been ordered to amplify, has now escalated with the announcement of a fresh wave of detainees’ confessions. The Wall Street Journal’s Chun Han Wong reports:

Zhou Shifeng and some of his associates at the Beijing Fengrui law firm—known for taking on politically sensitive cases—have admitted to wrongdoing ranging from hyping up legal cases to spreading smears against China’s legal system, according to a report published Saturday by the state-run Xinhua News Agency and the Communist Party mouthpiece, People’s Daily.

[…] “The law firm has indeed broken the law, this is without doubt,” Mr. Zhou, Fengrui’s director, was quoted as saying by Xinhua and People’s Daily. “There were indeed specific instances of illegality and criminality, and the errors were fairly serious.”

[…] Rights groups criticized the Xinhua and People’s Daily reports for presenting what appeared to be a definitive conclusion on the case before the completion of legal proceedings. Such pretrial airing of confessions have become an increasingly favored tactic for Chinese authorities seeking to shape public opinion on politically sensitive cases, despite Mr. Xi’s purported campaign to promote rule of law.

“The whole tone of the state-media reports presents the case against the alleged ‘criminal gang’ as established fact, rather than allowing a fair and impartial court process to decide this,” said William Nee, China researcher at Amnesty International. “The confessions that they’ve obtained seem like they are fitting the government’s preapproved narrative.” [Source]

Xinhua’s account of the latest confessions also described the detainees’ apparent denunciations of each other:

Meanwhile, suspect Liu Sixin, a firm assistant with a law PhD, revealed that he wrote and prepared basically all documents needed for a hearing and Zhou only read verbatim at court, describing Zhou’s work as “very unprofessional.”

[…] “Wang Yu enjoyed quite a reputation in the lawyer industry. Although she earned it mostly from shrewish quarrels and public exposure, it was an indisputable fact that everybody knew her,” Zhou said.

[…] “Our acts were not compatible with a normal lawyer. Whether practicing the law or being a citizen, no matter what problems emerge, we should always resort to legal channels to solve them,” Liu said.

Liu added that “savage acts” can only become negative factors in the country’s rule of law and might also be taken advantage by foreign malicious forces. [Source]

Another Xinhua report quoted legal experts backing the lawyers’ prosecution, and described their alleged disruption of legal proceedings:

“Lawyers are supposed to safeguard the law,” said Wang Jinxi, a law professor with China University of Political Science and Law. “Being a lawyer does not mean they can break the law, and no country allows people to carry out criminal activities just because they are lawyers,” Wang said.

Wang said some Western politicians and media outlets that described the police actions as “cracking down on rights defenders” were ignoring the facts.

[…] Camera recordings for a court hearing in the northeastern city of Shenyang in April showed several defense lawyers affiliated with the firm shouting and screaming shortly after the trial opened, despite judges’ calls for order.

They hurled insults at judges and later targeted police trying to interfere, with the firm’s lawyer Wang Yu pointing fingers and calling them “hooligans.” The trial was forced to a halt. [Source]

The Washington Post’s Anna Fifield presented a different picture of Wang in a profile on Saturday:

She was a mild-mannered commercial lawyer working on patent disputes and the like until an incident at a train station in Tianjin at the end of 2008. She had an altercation with station employees after they stopped her from getting on a train, even though she had a ticket, and was then assaulted by several men.

But several months later, it was Wang — not the men who beat her — who was charged with “intentional assault.” After a lengthy and questionable legal process, she spent 21/2 years in jail.

There, she saw how prisoners were forced to work for no pay and heard their tales of being mistreated and tortured, her friends and associates say. When she emerged in 2011, Wang had transformed into a human rights advocate, taking on some of the most high-profile cases in China.

[…] Last month, the state-run Xinhua News Agency ran an unsigned commentary about Wang that was apparently designed to smear her reputation. “This arrogant woman with a criminal record turned overnight to a lawyer, blabbering about the rule of law, human rights, and justice, and roaming around under the flag of ‘rights defense,’ ” it said.

[…] Maya Wang of Human Rights Watch said the detained attorney is no firebrand. “She’s softly spoken and she’s very serious about her work,” she said. “First and foremost, she’s a lawyer. The entire crackdown on her and her law firm is a political crackdown against lawyers who are just trying to do their jobs in implementing the rule of law.” [Source]

Wang is not the only one to have suffered personal attacks on top of accusations of criminality. Zhou has been labeled a lecherous womanizer as well as a corrupt and incompetent lawyer. Wu Gan, an activist with links to Fengrui who is also known as “Super Vulgar Butcher,” was the target of a smear campaign from state media after his detention in May. Fei Chang Dao notes that People’s Daily highlighted an extramarital affair, a “vulgar” novel he once wrote, and a 1998 assault on a chicken farm allegedly orchestrated by his father as illustrations of his flawed character. (For more on the connections between Wu Gan and the recent crackdown on lawyers, read CDT’s interview with NGO activist Lu Jun.)

According to official accounts, the lawyers and their co-conspirators were motivated by the desire for fame and wealth. In an op-ed at The Washington Post, though, Harvard-based rights lawyer Teng Biao argued that the latter rationale makes little sense, especially given the hardships that rights work can incur:

If they chose, these professionals could reap a substantial salary doing other sorts of legal work — but their belief in the rule of law and liberty and their sense of responsibility leads them to this path. It is one beset by thorns, but it is also full of honor. They win the love and respect of ordinary people and they accumulate social influence. Working together in the battle for human rights, through the relentless persecution, they have formed deep friendships. Using social media, they have brought together an informal organization that can be rapidly mobilized. Every time there’s a serious legal incident, hundreds of them take steps to publicize the matter, mobilize citizens to make their voices heard and, when necessary, dispatch lawyers to take up the case.

[…] The arrests of the past week mark an important historical moment in China’s legal profession. It’s likely that, just as in the past, those who were disappeared are being tortured. But this crackdown won’t silence the rights lawyers, and it won’t stop the march toward human rights and dignity in China. Rights lawyers will rise from the ashes with an even deeper sense of their historical responsibility. [Source]


Earlier expressions of concern at the lawyers’ treatment have been followed by others from groups including rights investigators at the United Nations; the European Union and Canadian and Australian governments; legal societies in Hong Kong, the U.K., and Australia; and the Foreign Correspondents’ Club, Hong Kong. A commentary at Xinhua on Friday brushed these protests off, however, warning foreign critics “not to mistake law enforcement for a rights crackdown”:

Western critics are all steamed up after Chinese police authorities announced Wednesday the apprehension of a group of lawyers, social media celebrities and petitioners alike for allegedly disrupting public order and seeking profits by illegally organizing paid protests and swaying court decisions in the name of “defending justice and public interests.”

Lawyers should never have to suffer prosecution or any other kind of sanctions or intimidation for “discharging their professional duties,” some claimed. Others blame the “ferocity” of the attack against rights lawyers.

Few, however, seem to bother whether the “discharging of professional duties” by the arrested lawyers, many of whom belong to the Beijing-based Fengrui Law Firm, was in line with Chinese laws.

[…] If the confessions are true, their actions would hardly win any sympathy in a law-based society, let alone support for their release.

[…] Critics should first get the facts right, get to the bottom of the problem before embarrassing themselves in another unavailing episode of finger-pointing, because after all, the arrest of lawless lawyers is nothing more than a legal issue. [Source]

This question of whether the confessions are true is a real one, as many appear to have been coerced or concocted in the past. Journalist Gao Yu was sentenced to seven years in prison in April for distributing state secrets, based largely on a televised confession reportedly made after investigators threatened her son. Teng Biao highlighted the possibility of more direct coercion on Twitter last week:

During the 2011 “Jasmine” period, I was seized and locked up for 70 days. I was tortured, and then videotaped. So don’t be too critical of those who confessed on CCTV. It’s very possible that they were forced into it with torture or other extreme pressure. […] [Chinese]

Quartz’s Zheping Huang examined earlier confessions in the case in the context of an upswing in televised confessions since 2013. One, he wrote, may have been obtained through trickery, and presented out of context:

[…] Last month police in the Shandong province busted a group alleged to have organized massive protests to influence a court sentence. “I deeply regret my wrongdoings,” said just-detained lawyer Liu Jianjun in a CCTV broadcast (link in Chinese).

Liu had served in the case that drew the protests. One of his defenders told Radio Free Asia (link in Chinese) that Liu was tricked into the interview by a police officer who’d promised to not identify him or show his face on TV. Liu was not admitting his guilt, the defender explained, but apologizing for traffic congestion at the protest site. [Source]

In the unrelated current case of 20 foreigners detained for watching “terrorist propaganda”—apparently a misunderstanding over a Genghis Khan documentary—reported confessions may have been fabricated entirely. Xinhua claimed that some of those detained had “admitted to their illegal acts and repented,” but one Briton involved countered that “nobody repented or admitted to anything whatsoever, as there was no crime to repent or admit to.”

Read more on the “Black Friday” crackdown from CDT, and discussion of its implications at ChinaFile.

Meanwhile at China Daily, Cao Yin reports on proposals to “protect lawyers’ rights” and help them function as effective components of a balanced legal system:

A total of 270,000 lawyers across the country play an important role in the process of justice and improving judicial credibility, according to the Supreme People’s Court.

The top court required in a guideline it issued this year that all courts must respect attorneys and listen to their defense opinions carefully.

The guideline also stipulates that lawyers’ rights, including making inquiries and debating a case in a hearing, must be fully protected, and courts cannot make discriminatory security checks on them.

[…] “A lawyer is a necessity in a case, whether it is criminal, administrative, civil or commercial. If we don’t attach importance to the lawyer’s role, the legal community will not be balanced,” said Sheng Leiming, director of the All China Lawyers Association.

He compared the lawyer, prosecutor and judge to a triangle, saying it will keep stable and firm only when each role is improved to the same level. [Source]


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Pu Zhiqiang Denied Access to Lawyers For Nearly a Month

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Rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was formally indicted for “inciting ethnic hatred” and “causing a disturbance and provoking trouble” in May after a year in detention. With his trial approaching, Pu’s wife this week penned an open letter claiming that he has been denied all access to legal counsel since June 23, a fact that one of his lawyers verified. AP’s Didi Tang reports:

Meng Qun, wife of Pu Zhiqiang, raised the concern in an open letter addressed to the leadership of the Beijing detention center where her husband is being held, urging authorities to honor China’s own rules to allow Pu access to lawyers.

[…] [Pu’s attorney Shang Baojun, who verified the authenticity of Meng’s letter…] said he expects a Beijing court to hold Pu’s trial soon, because by law Chinese courts have three months from the indictment to hold a trial and issue a verdict, but the authorities have not yet announced a date.

In her open letter, Meng said that Pu is entitled to meet his lawyers after the indictment but that the lawyers have been asked — contrary to China’s own rules — to submit a meeting request.

Even after the lawyers put in a meeting request, the detention center has failed to accommodate a meeting within 48 hours, as stipulated by China’s rules, Meng said. […] [Source]

Pu’s prosecution comes as part of a broad crackdown on civil society by the Xi administration, which has most recently seen more than 230 lawyers and activists questioned, detained, or missing since July 10.


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Crackdown Shows Different Visions of Rule of Law

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At least 228 people have now been detained or questioned in the “Black Friday” crackdown on Chinese rights lawyers. As of last Friday, according to Amnesty International, eight lawyers and four others remained in police custody, with five people under residential surveillance, and five others’ whereabouts unknown. (Biographies of many of them can be found at China Change, along with details of their current situations.)

The sweep has prompted a flood of international protests, mapped at China Law Translate. But state media have continued to respond that the lawyers sought to improperly influence trials—by allegedly organizing protests, publicizing cases online, disrupting court proceedings, and bribing state organ personnel—and that the investigation is entirely consistent with the state’s professed commitment to rule of law. From Xinhua, for example:

China has written “effective respect and protection of human rights” together with “implementation of rule-of-law,” “law-respecting government” and “higher judicial credibility” into its targets to be hit by 2020, when the country is aiming to have built a moderately prosperous society.

Big picture aside, China has taken concrete steps to champion legal protection of human rights.

[…] From this trail of moves, it is clear China upholds law-abiding petitions and lawyers’ rights in their lawful practices. The rationale behind the moves is that the rights of the accused can be better protected if lawyers who represent them enjoy guaranteed rights, and that petitioners’ human rights can be better protected if their grievances are heard and addressed.

[…] Putting [the detained lawyers] under investigation has nothing to do with jeopardizing human rights, but with clearing the way for the rule of law and effective legal protection of human rights. [Source]

The government’s interpretation of “rule of law” sees “law as the pre-eminent expression of central power,” in Jerome Cohen’s words, not a limit upon it: that is, law as a knife, and not a shield. While it may be used to punish individual officials, any possibility that it might constrain the government as a whole is denied by its insistence that “Party leadership and Socialist rule of law are identical.”

In an op-ed at South China Morning Post, on the other hand, Zhou Zunyou of the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law wrote that state media have undermined the legality of the process by vilifying the detainees and broadcasting possibly forced confessions. He further argued that relevant aspects of China’s Criminal Procedure Law “are far from being compatible with […] minimum international standards,” and that the authorities do not appear to be adhering to it in any case:

If China truly wants to convince the world that this campaign is not “a human rights issue”, the prosecutors will have to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the apprehended lawyers have broken criminal law. For the time being, it is key for China, during the pretrial period, to adhere to its own criminal procedure law and show respect for widely recognised international standards of criminal justice.

However, the fact is, even before trials begin, the state media have pronounced these people guilty; since their detentions, none of the Fengrui [law firm] suspects have had any – let alone immediate and adequate – access to their own lawyers.

The conducting of a “trial by state media” prompted the criticism of He Weifang, a prominent law professor at Peking University, for violating the presumption of innocence, a central principle of criminal procedure as guaranteed by Article 12 of the Criminal Procedure Law. In one of his recent posts on Sina Weibo, a Twitter-style microblogging service, he pointed out that the state- and party-controlled media has the duty to abide by the law, and that taking sides by playing up and sensationalising the guilt of people before their trials begin would make it impossible for the court to adjudicate the case impartially.

[…] The irony of the crackdown is that the detained lawyers, whose job is to fight hard to help other people, are sitting in cells themselves without access to their own defence counsels. Even if the detained lawyers have committed crimes, the criminal proceedings against them must also be lawful, justified and in line with international standards. [Source]

Human Rights Watch’s Sophie Richardson warned last week that “detaining anyone incommunicado and in secret leaves them at high risk of torture or ill-treatment, especially when they are detained on politicized charges. Beijing’s blatant failure to guarantee even basic protections for these individuals demonstrates the government’s extraordinary disdain for rule of law.” In an essay on the crackdown translated at China Change, meanwhile, writer Zhai Minglei commented that the detainees’ treatment by the media “has transgressed a basic line of decency in ordinary society. It’s as if two people sat down to play chess and one of them knocked over the chessboard and then blamed his opponent for being a ruffian.”

Lawyer Wang Yu, whose detention on July 9th began the current sweep, has been the target of particularly fierce media attacks. Articles bounced up the search ranks by Baidu have depicted her as hysterical, “shrewish,” and violent, emphasizing an altercation at a train station in 2008 which led to her imprisonment for assault. (See an alternative account of this incident in a profile at Chinese Human Rights Defenders.) Also highlighted is footage of an apparent outburst during the trial of three Falun Gong practitioners, which Matthew Robertson and Yaxue Cao write at China Change is presented seriously out of context:

On July 19, nine days after Wang Yu had been taken away by police, CCTV broadcast the tail end of an altercation in the Shenhe District Court, which made Wang Yu out to be the aggressor as she yelled out that the court was a “pack of scoundrels.” She can be seen pointing her finger, enraged, and at one point demands that the court transcriptionist record her words: “You are a pack of scoundrels!” She is then dragged away by bailiffs.

[…] But CCTV did not tell the real story of what happened in the courtroom on April 22. Not surprisingly, a fuller understanding of what took place reveals a rather different picture to the state portrayal of Wang Yu.

[…] First, defendant Li Dongxu (李东旭) objected to appearing by herself, rather than with her co-defendants Yu Ming (于溟) and Gao Jingqun (高敬群) per court procedure. She was silenced by the judge, but persisted. So the bailiffs rushed at her, shoving her back into her seat. She cried out, struggling through tears to speak, still being gripped fiercely by the bailiffs, before one of them kicked her chair over. Injured and in tears, she was removed from the room.

Lawyer Dong Qianyong (董前勇) then stood up and objected to the treatment, Dong describing the torture that Li had suffered in custody. He was pounced on by four bailiffs, pulled out of the room, pushed down, and put into a chokehold until he lost consciousness.

And this is when the CCTV footage began: Wang Yu shouting at the bailiffs for openly beating her client and colleague and removing them from the courtroom. [Source]

The man accused of leading disruptions outside courtrooms is activist Wu Gan, who was detained in May and also attacked in state media. Didi Tang described Wu’s activities in a profile for the Associated Press:

Bearded, bald and burly ex-soldier Wu Gan calls himself The Ultra Vulgar Butcher. He poses for online portraits brandishing knives in both hands that he says he’ll use to “slaughter the pigs” among local officials who’ve done wrong.

[…] Wu was arrested May 19 in the southeastern city of Nanchang. He had traveled there after defense lawyers were denied access to files in a case in which four men were serving prison time for a double murder despite a later confession from a fifth man.

Wu wanted to put pressure on the court’s chief judge, Zhang Zhonghou. In social media, Wu called Zhang a rogue and said he planned to hold a mock funeral for him, order white chrysanthemums for mourning and parade a statue of him around town.

[…] Zhang Weiyu, one of the lawyers representing the four men believed to have been wrongfully convicted, said they were hoping Wu’s activism would “prod the authorities into doing the right thing.”

[…] Zhang Weiyu said he does not think Wu’s acts were unlawful, although Wu did push the envelope.

“I really admired his courage, and I cautioned him to be more careful,” he recalled. “And he told me he did not believe he was doing anything wrong, and that he knew the boundaries.” [Source]

Read more in a lengthier profile by Yaqiu Wang at China Change.

A less theatrical protest was suppressed late last week outside the Guangzhou trial of lawyer Tang Jingling and two activists, which Tang described in a defense statement as a clash of “darkness versus light, [and] destruction versus hope.” His wife told South China Morning Post that “I fear for the fate of my husband and the lawyers representing him and his friends in court … They might end up like Sui [Muqing] and the other lawyers who have been detained in the recent crackdown.” Sui took part in an earlier trial last month, and was dismissed along with the other defense lawyers in protest at the court’s refusal to let them call witnesses. He is now under residential surveillance for inciting subversion following the Black Friday crackdown. The tactic of firing lawyers has become common in political cases, and may be seen by authorities as the sort of disruptive activity that the detainees are accused of orchestrating.

The New York Times’ Dan Levin reported on the rounding-up of supporters outside the court:

As the trial in Guangzhou resumed, large numbers of police officers were deployed around the courthouse and foreign diplomats were barred from entering the courtroom. On Thursday, a phalanx of plainclothes security agents brandished large, black umbrellas to obscure views of several of the defendants’ supporters being led away by the police, according to witnesses and photographs posted to Twitter.

One of the detained supporters, Ouyang Jinghua, 75, said by telephoneon Friday that the police had taken away about a dozen people on Thursday afternoon after checking their identification.

“We did nothing wrong,” said Mr. Ouyang, a retired official from the central province of Hunan who made the 14-hour journey to Guangzhou to show support for the defendants. “We decided on our own to attend the trial because someone has to be there.”

The supporters, he said, were brought to an empty school nearby and kept behind barricades while police officers and state security agents took statements. Mr. Ouyang said he was being forcibly sent back to his hometown by train, escorted by security officials.

[…] Mr. Ouyang said he was not afraid of political retaliation for his public support of the defendants. “I’m old,” he said. “I don’t really care if they sentence me to 20 years.” [Source]

Besides accusations of shrewishness and vulgarity, state media accounts have cast the lawyers and their associates as greedy, accusing them of spinning “so-called” rights cases into an elaborate money-making racket. This suggestion is rejected by many of their peers, including 48-year-old former commercial lawyer Yu Wensheng in a report by The New York Times’ Andrew Jacobs and Chris Buckley:

Mr. Yu, the commercial lawyer who has embraced a perilous career as a rights activist, said his conversion began in October, when jail officials illegally barred him from seeing a client, a man being held on charges that he had supported the pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong.

Frustrated, Mr. Yu did something out of character: He staged a protest outside the detention center in a suburb of Beijing, took selfies and then posted them on WeChat, a messaging app.

Two days later, he was arrested. During three months in detention, most of it in a cell filled with death row inmates, he endured 17-hour interrogations and was subjected to physical abuse that left him with an abdominal hernia. He was not allowed to see a lawyer, nor was he formally charged.

[…] Many lawyers have scoffed at the government’s allegations against the rights lawyers, especially the claim that they were seeking riches in taking rights cases. Mr. Yu, the lawyer who was held incommunicado for three months, gestured at his threadbare office and said there was little financial reward in representing rights-defense clients, many of them poor.

“If you want to make money,” he said, “I’d suggest you stick to commercial work.” [Source]

In an op-ed at Quartz, Human Rights Watch’s Maya Wang examines the timing of the current crackdown:

Since 2003, China has seen the rise of a “rights defense”—weiquan—movement, in which all kinds of popular and often spontaneous advocacy by netizens, activists, lawyers, and online commentators responding to injustices could snowball into pressure on the government. While the authorities have grown less tolerant of this movement, there was always an invisible “red line” within which a certain level of dissent was tolerated.

But things changed when President Xi came to power two years ago. Under his leadership, authorities started to target some of the most innovative activists working within this red line. China imprisoned legal scholar Xu Zhiyong, whose long list of achievements included founding the Open Constitution Initiative and the New Citizens Movement. Authorities detained lawyer Pu Zhiqiang, whose social media savviness helped to abolish arbitrary detention camps. The government harassed the anti-discrimination civic group Yirenping, which pioneered public interests lawsuits. […]

The government’s current campaign is not about a single law firm or a handful of lawyers. It is about the discrediting of the very modus operandi of the rights defense movement. Collectively these trailblazing individuals and organizations have done the coal-face work, at great personal risk, to try making human rights a reality for ordinary people in China. With this massive lawyers sweep, we can bid farewell to one of the only vehicles to provide real relief to victims of human rights violations in China. [Source]

A March 2014 essay by Mo Zhixu, reposted last week by China Change, explains why the Party sees rights defenders as such a thorn in its side:

In the eyes of those in power, concessions in the area of rights would have only a minor effect on promoting the continued economic development upon which the legitimacy of their rule ultimately depends. But once the civil society that is now developing by leaps and bounds gains possession of these rights, it will significantly increase the capacity to coordinate and mobilize, civil society will achieve a much higher level of integration, and it will become much harder to curb progress toward political liberalization. For precisely these reasons, the rights defense movement—particularly rights defense activity in the area of civil and political rights—has become a focus of the authorities, something that must be vigorously suppressed.

Rights lawyers occupy a core position in the rights defense movement. They are direct participants in rights defense cases, and they also act to disseminate information about these cases and explain their significance. Rights lawyers thus play a pivotal role as bridges drawing links between specific cases and the wider social environment. Individual rights cases can take on broader legal and political significance and become part of the rights defense movement only through the efforts of rights defense lawyers. Of the “New Black Five Categories” described above, only rights defense lawyers work with all groups participating in rights defense actions, including petitioners, followers of underground religious, dissidents, and Internet leaders. Naturally, the authorities cannot overlook this important, central role played by rights defense lawyers. [Source]

McClatchy’s Stuart Leavenworth highlighted debate over whether the sweep is a sign of vulnerability or confidence among the leadership:

As the detentions continue, veteran China watchers are debating what is behind this latest police action. Some say the Communist Party appears to feel increasingly vulnerable, and thus is jailing and intimidating even the mildest critics who might pose a threat to continued one-party rule.

[…] “We need to acknowledge the possibility of an alternative interpretation,” said Keith Hand, a specialist in Chinese legal reform at the University of California, Hastings College of Law. “It’s possible this is not a sign of fragility, but a sign that they feel very confident, both at home and on the international stage.”

[…] “They are in control, and they are further consolidating their control,” said Hand. “This is a party that systemically studies the past downfalls of communist regimes, particularly the fall of the Soviet Union, and learns lessons from them. That is something Xi Jinping has really emphasized since he came to power.”

[Eva Pils, a law specialist at King’s College London] however, says that are several signs of fragility within the party. Xi’s on-going anti-corruption crusade, while popular with the Chinese people, is taking on the signs of an internal “purge,” she said, and possibly creating some nervous party factions.

The anti-graft effort “clearly indicates a sense of vulnerability and at the same time, it has got to have the effect of increasing vulnerability,” Pils said in an email exchange. [Source]

Talking to Deutsche Welle’s Gabriel Domínguez, Pils expressed optimism that the rights movement could weather the current storm:

[… Pils] argues that while some rights lawyers appear to be lowering their profile temporarily, she doesn’t think they will back down over the long term, especially as there is an ongoing effort to rally around those detained and provide mutual support.

“The human rights lawyers’ social media groups are very actively discussing what can be done.” said the King’s College researcher. For instance, when one lawyer is detained or harassed, others in the loose network will publicize the case and speak up on their behalf. Structurally speaking, she added, the authorities have to face the fact that these lawyers are organized in a myriad of ways with no clear hierarchies and that much of their communication and coordination is fluid and almost invisible.

Moreover, while only some 300 are willing to see themselves as human rights lawyers there are some 240,000 full-time licensed lawyers nationwide, and “some of them at least tend to take an interest in what happens to their colleagues,” said Pils. [Source]

But an article at The Asian Lawyer suggests that while other lawyers might sympathize, few are likely to speak out:

China’s crackdown on human rights lawyers has prompted governments and bar organizations around the world to express concern and support for the detained Chinese attorneys. But China’s flourishing corporate bar—including the international firms active in China—has been relatively quiet.

[…] Why have global firms remained silent in comparison? In part, their reluctance to speak out underscores a stark divide in China’s legal community. According to one China-based U.S. lawyer, weiquan lawyers and commercial lawyers inhabit separate worlds that rarely interact.

[…] “These people are not likely to rock the boat,” says a China-based U.S. lawyer, adding that the market has become so competitive that law firms put a priority on maintaining good relationships with the government.

Some lawyers say there is private opposition to the crackdown. “Deep down inside most informed lawyers on the mainland do indeed care, including Chinese and foreign law firms,” says another China-based U.S. lawyer. “It’s the system that prevents them from being candid without the fear of retribution.” [Source]


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New Accounts Detail Rights Lawyer Detentions

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New images, videos and verbal accounts have emerged to document the “Black Friday” crackdown in which at least 232 rights lawyers and others have been questioned or detained, with 27 still missing or in custody. From The New York Times’ Didi Kirsten Tatlow:

They show arguments between the lawyers and security personnel, often at the entrances of the lawyers’ homes in the dead of night, as well as broken masonry and ironwork after forceful entry by police officers who, the lawyers said, often did not have detention or search warrants.

Here’s what it was like for Ge Wenxiu, 54, a lawyer, and He Yanyun, 26, a legal assistant, who were taken away by State Security and police officers from their homes in the southern city of Guangzhou.

[…] “They didn’t have any documents, so I didn’t open the door,” [He] said. “I’m a citizen, and without any warrant or anything, I’m not going to open up.

“After they broke down the door and came in, they hit me a few times — a few punches on the ears, the stomach, the chest. But it wasn’t too bad. I wasn’t bruised. [Source]

A video accompanying the post shows the scene at Ge’s door before he reluctantly let police in. “You’re police, right? Then you need to show us your ID,” he says. “That’s not necessary. You can see our uniforms.” “Uniforms can be faked. You have to show your ID.” “Don’t talk so much! I can break down your door!”

At Hong Kong Free Press last week, Vivienne Zeng reported news of the whereabouts of Zhao Wei, lawyer Li Heping’s assistant:

Her lawyer, Ren Quanniu, found out on July 28 that she was detained in the Hexi detention centre in Tianjin, about 140km from Beijing, CHRLCG [Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group] said without revealing its source.

Also detained in the Hexi detention centre is Liu Sixin, a 49-year-old lawyer who was condemned by state media for being part of a “criminal gang” of lawyers and rights defence activists who “hyped up sensitive cases to gain fame and money.”

Both Zhao and Liu have been denied meetings with their lawyers. Police initially arrested them on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking troubles”, which can see the convicted jailed for a maximum of five years. But when Zhao and Liu’s lawyers requested to see them on July 28, they were told police had filed “new charges” against the pair which allow authorities to ban them from seeing lawyers, according to CHRLCG.

Police said the new charges, although not specified, belong to “three kinds of serious charges” under Article 37 of the Criminal Procedure Law, namely offences related to national security, terrorist activities and serious corruption. Suspects accused of these offences can be barred from seeing lawyers, the law stipulates. [Source]

2012 amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law also provided a “veneer of legitimacy” to the practice of residential surveillance, under which several of the detained are being held. These include lawyers Sui Muqing and Xie Yang, Li Heping’s assistant Gao Yue, and activists Gou Hongguo and Xu Zhihan, all under suspicion of inciting subversion of state power. Xie is also accused of disturbing court order. At China Change, Yaqiu Wang notes that residential surveillance can be a far cry from the innocuous house arrest that its name might imply:

As Teng Biao (滕彪), a visiting fellow at US-Asia Law Institute, New York University, points out: “The essence of ‘residential surveillance at a designated place’ is pre-trial custody in a place outside of legally designated places of custody. Because it does not need to be subject to the rules of formal detention centers, in reality ‘residential surveillance at a designated place’ is often a more severe form of detention. When a detainee is tortured, it is difficult to obtain evidence.” Furthermore, authorities are allowed to detain “suspects” under this law for six months—no other legal process required.

[…] During the pro-democracy protests, or “Jasmine Revolution,” in 2011, the Chinese government placed a large number of political dissidents under “residential surveillance at a designated place,” including rights lawyers Liu Shihui (刘士辉) and Tang Jingling (唐荆陵). Liu recalled: “The agents beat me. I had to get stitches. My ribs were in severe pain. I was deprived of sleep for five days and five nights. To be taken to a detention center actually became my highest hope at that time.” Tang Jingling was deprived of sleep for 10 days. It was not until “his entire body started to shiver, his hands became numb, his heart beat erratically, and his life was in danger” that the police allowed him one to two hours sleep per day.

At around the same time, dissident writer Ye Du (野渡) was placed under residential surveillance in a police training center in Guangzhou for 96 days. He told China Change: “I didn’t see sunlight for a whole month. I was interrogated for 22 hours a day. One hour for food, one hour for sleep. I was interrogated like this for seven consecutive days until I suffered terrible gastrointestinal bleeding. Then they stopped.” [Source]

At the Sydney Morning Herald, Philip Wen presents the account of 16-year-old Bao Zhuoxuan, son of detained lawyer Wang Yu. Bao, along with his father Bao Longjun, was also taken as he headed for Australia to study. His father remains in custody.

“I started to scream but one of the men put his hand over my mouth,” Bao said in a phone interview. “Don’t worry about giving a reason, they didn’t even produce any identification before taking us away.”

[…] The younger Bao was taken to a hotel in Tianjin where he was held for two days, unable to make contact with the outside world. He has since been taken to Inner Mongolia, where he is staying with his grandmother while being monitored by police. His passport has been confiscated, and his hopes of studying in Australia indefinitely put on hold.

“I was happily preparing to go to Australia to start my studies,” he said. “For something like this to happen, it’s like falling to hell from heaven.”

[…] “To a lawyer, a strident human rights defender, their family is the most direct way to threaten and blackmail them,” fellow rights lawyer and close friend Chen Jiangang says. “Wang Yu, and other lawyers, can be extremely resilient as individuals, to the point they don’t worry about their own personal safety. But once you involve their children, their elderly parents, they will feel like their heart is in a bind.” [Source]

Relatives of activists and others have often been used to gain leverage, either by threatening or prosecuting them or recruiting them as advocates. Threats against journalist Gao Yu’s son, for example, were reportedly used to extract a televised confession, later retracted, which led to her conviction in April for leaking state secrets to overseas media. Authorities are now said to be demanding that she reaffirm the original confession in exchange for medical release.

At China Real Time, legal scholar Stanley Lubman examined the crackdown’s implications for the Party’s much-trumpeted legal reforms. The starkly different interpretations of rule of law that the detentions highlight were the focus of an earlier CDT post.

While the party-state has tried to marginalize rights lawyers by painting them as provocateurs who encourage disobedience of the law, the current assault on them is the latest and strongest expression to date of the Chinese leadership’s anxiety about social stability. The government’s invocation of the vague offense of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” to punish lawyers and activists speaks volumes about the uneasiness that runs through the regime.

At the same time, very different issues of legal reform are being addressed. Previously-announced programs to distance local courts from the influence of local governments and to increase procedural regularity and transparency in cases that are not regarded as threatening to social stability are still proceeding slowly.

[…] The outcome of the reforms, if successful, would be an autonomous judiciary in cases that are not viewed as concerning the interests of the Party. As legal scholar Susan Finder noted recently, “The reform plan is a recognition that the current system is dysfunctional in many ways. Party rule needs a better-operating more professional, and autonomous judiciary…in a world in which most matters that come before the courts don’t involve Party concerns.” It remains to be seen whether implementation of the reform plan will reflect this view.

[…] The harassment of weiquan lawyers will not cease. Yet if the authorities continue to turn a blind eye to cases of cadres violating individual rights, they could face a growing number of public protests — as well as increased pressure to respond constructively rather than by denial. No one can predict when that might happen, but the possibility will not disappear. Nor will the weiquan lawyers. [Source]

In a New York Times op-ed, Xiao Guozhen, a former rights lawyer and now visiting fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy, argued that the current crackdown shuts off a vital “pressure valve,” and may prove self-defeating:

In the short term, the current crackdown will bring the government temporary peace. Out of fear, fewer legal professionals will take up activism, at least for a while. Without rights lawyers to advocate for them, petitioners and political dissidents will hesitate before they take to the streets.

But Mr. Xi and the Communist Party leadership fail to realize that suppression could eventually lead to their political demise. In China, rights lawyers serve as a pressure valve, directing citizens’ anger and discontent into proper legal channels and giving them a voice. Hundreds of protests break out across the country each day as Chinese people show discontent with corruption, land seizures and other injustices associated with the country’s rapid development.

Suppression of moderate dissent in a volatile society jeopardizes China’s chance to peacefully transition toward more democracy and could explode into massive and violent social unrest or even a political coup. If President Xi Jinping were to lose power in a coup, he and his friends will find themselves without an independent defense lawyer. [Source]

As a purported eye witness to the 2013 trial of fallen Chongqing Party chief Bo Xilai reported soon afterwards, “often, an accused person only understands the importance of the law when standing in the dock.”

Meanwhile, The New York Times’ Didi Kirsten Tatlow highlights a defiant music video released online, featuring 93 lawyers and associates:

Written, sung and produced by two engineers and rights advocates, Xu Lin and Liu Sifang, “The Justice Lawyers’ Song” shows the human face of the sweep, including prominent lawyers such as Wang Yu, Li Heping and Pu Zhiqiang. Some proudly wear their legal garb.

And there appears to be a hidden promise of victory in the penultimate image, which shows 14 lawyers who defended accused writers and political activists in the 1979 “Formosa magazine incident,” in which organizers of a human rights forum in Taiwan were arrested and tried in a crackdown that was criticized around the world. Within a decade, martial law had been lifted and political opposition parties were legalized in Taiwan.


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Black Friday, Ling Wancheng, and the Party’s Drive to Rule the Law

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Chinese authorities announced a number of apparently encouraging legal reforms this week, promising to boost legal aid, regulate corruption investigations, and crack down on illegally extended detentions. At the same time, however, the Party is aggressively moving to secure its monopoly on the legal process through prosecutions, intimidation, and harsh new laws.

At Caixin, Zhao Fuduo reports on the State Council’s new push for more accessible legal services:

Legal aid agencies processed more than 1 million court cases on behalf of low-income or otherwise disadvantaged people nationwide last year, including 990,000 civil lawsuits and 240,000 criminal cases, the ministry reported. That caseload reflected a 14 percent increase over the previous year’s demand – a growth rate that has held steady every year for the past five years.

What’s troubling officials is that the government’s 20-year-old legal aid system has failed to keep up with the burgeoning demand for its services. And for years, they have heard academics and voices in the legal community cite concerns over a widening gap between public demand for and the available supply of legal services, especially lawyers.

In a major step toward addressing these and other soul-searching issues, on June 29 the cabinet released a directive that sets a reform course. It includes measures aimed at increasing the ranks of available lawyers, expanding the system’s coverage area and improving the quality of services.

Supporters of the reform plan call it a much-needed reboot for an overloaded and under-funded system. Other experts, however, are approaching the proposal with caution, arguing that its success or failure will larger depend or how specific reforms are implemented at courthouse and local government levels, and how well they are received by the public. [Source]

AFP describes eight new orders from the Supreme People’s Procuratorate to rein in abuses in China’s notoriously unaccountable corruption probes:

Investigators will be suspended and “dealt with according to discipline and the law” if the subjects of their inquiries escape, are injured, or commit suicide because of their “unlawful” or “severely irresponsible” acts, it said in a statement on its website.

Prosecutors are also banned from accepting money from companies under investigation, unreasonably imposing coercive measures, or obtaining confessions through torture, according to the statement.

“The eight bans are prosecutors’ code of conduct in their participation in the fight against corruption,” it said.

“They will help build an anti-graft system that ensures justice, transparency and standards, and improve the effects and credibility of the anti-corruption campaign.”

It vowed “zero tolerance” over violations of the rules, warning prosecutors and the police that the bans were “high voltage cables” that no one should dare to touch. [Source]

And at South China Morning Post, Nectar Gan notes more rules from the SPP to address unduly extended detentions:

Under the regulations, procuratorial officers will issue rectification notices to the police if cases of prolonged detention are uncovered at detention centres. On receiving a notice, police should within seven days release the suspects or apply for an extension to keep holding them.

The procuratorate will monitor police to ensure they fast-track cases of suspects being held for over five years without being sentenced.

[…] Joshua Rosenzweig, a Hong Kong-based independent human rights researcher, said the law already had a lot of flexibility in detention and trial periods.

“The law gives them so much leeway to extend deadlines set by the law basically by just asking for it without any institution to scrutinise whether they are justified,” he said.

“These guidelines are addressing the problem in a superficial way. The deeper problem requires not only a revision of the Criminal Procedure Law, but a reform of the legal system to allow an independent judiciary.” [Source]

Following the Party’s rule of law-themed Fourth Plenum last November, New York University law scholar Jerome Cohen welcomed the possibility of “important, if limited […] improvements in China’s legal system.” But in a discussion at ChinaFile this week, he wrote that his former optimism for such legislative improvements has evaporated after the “Black Friday” crackdown, in which more than 230 rights lawyers and others have been detained or questioned with nearly 30 still missing or in custody. The crackdown demonstrates the Party’s vision of rule of law as, in Cohen’s earlier words, “the pre-eminent expression of central power”: as a knife, and not a shield.

The ChinaFile conversation’s topic is China’s request for the return of Ling Wancheng, the younger brother of former Hu Jintao aide Ling Jihua, who is now under investigation for corruption. China and the U.S. have no extradition treaty; nor, Cohen argues, is such an agreement conceivable given the current deterioration of China’s already substandard legal system:

There is a reason why the U.S. and most democratic nations do not have extradition treaties with China. That reason is China’s criminal justice system, which, twenty-six years after the Tiananmen tragedy, has still failed to meet the minimum standards of international due process of law. Indeed, since Xi Jinping’s assumption of power, despite a plethora of hymns extolling the rule of law, in practice China’s criminal justice system has been steadily marching in the wrong direction, and this is no state secret or development known only to Chinese and foreign legal specialists.

[… Instead of] practice gradually coming to conform to legislation, legislation is being revised to conform to practice. The National People’s Congress is enacting a comprehensive legislative agenda designed to confirm China as a de facto garrison state administered by the police and other domestic security forces. Hence the new National Security Law [background], the draft Cybersecurity Law [background], the draft Counter-Terrorism Law [background] and the draft Foreign NGO Management Law [background] designed to terminate exchanges with Western organizations that preach such “hostile” concepts as constitutionalism, independent judges and unfettered defense counsel. As part of this legislative assault, the Criminal Law itself is about to be amended so that any lawyer bold enough to wage a vigorous defense in court can easily be sentenced to three years in prison, marking the end of his career. […]

We also must acknowledge that, however disappointing and dangerous this new round of legislation may be, in China today laws nevertheless continue to be secondary to lawlessness, as the current attack on lawyers demonstrates. To be sure, in individual cases Chinese defense lawyers have frequently been subject to kidnapping, torture, illegal detention, arrest and prosecution, loss of employment, disbarment and many other forms of intimidation, not only against themselves but also their families. But what is distinctive in recent weeks is the uninhibited attack, at the same time in many Chinese cities, upon hundreds of rights lawyers and their staff, whether or not they are at present involved in controversial cases. This is an effort to destroy any remaining possibility of waging a vigorous defense at trial or of challenging government in the broader arena of public opinion. [Source]

Chinese Human Rights Defenders highlights two proposed Criminal Law amendments that would restrict lawyers’ activities, along with others expanding crimes of “disrupting social order,” prohibiting advocacy of vaguely-defined terrorism, and criminalizing businesses’ failure to cooperate with online censorship.

• Disrupting court proceedings (Amendment 36 to Article 309): The draft law would amend the existing article to give authorities broad powers to interpret speech in court as “insulting,” “threatening,” or “disruptive,” and it includes a vague provision prohibiting “anything else that seriously disrupts court proceedings, where circumstances are serious.” These changes could effectively criminalize lawyers’ speech during trials if they challenge court procedures or treatment of their clients, which would become a “crime” punishable by up to three years in prison. Chinese authorities through state media have attacked the professionalism of several lawyers detained in the ongoing crackdown on rights lawyers, claiming they had exhibited “unruly behavior,” “disrupted” court order, or “insulted” judges. The amendment, if passed, would provide legal rationale to criminalize the speech of lawyers when they defend clients’ rights at trial.

• Disclosure of case information (Amendment 35 to Article 308): The draft law adds a new sub-article on prohibiting “judicial personnel, defenders, agents ad litem or other litigation participants” from disclosing case information “that should not be disclosed in a case that is not tried in public in accordance with law,” punishable by up to three years’ imprisonment. This provision may increase abuses of clients’ due process rights that already occur with secret detentions and closed-door trials. Lawyers have often challenged law-enforcement and judicial authorities for citing “national security concerns” as a pretext to deny individuals involved in “sensitive cases” their rights to fair and open trials, access to legal counsel, and family visits. This new sub-article would allow authorities to criminalize challenges made by lawyers over abuse of clients’ due process rights. [Source]

An analysis at the Dui Hua Human Rights Journal focuses on other aspects of the draft amendments including “death penalty reform and the redefinition of punishments for protestors and ‘cult’ members once commonly subjected to the now defunct system of reeducation through labor (RTL).” RTL was abolished in 2013, but Dui Hua notes that “with this tool of maintaining stability no longer available, the Criminal Law is being adapted to handle many of the kinds of cases that were previously dealt with through RTL. […] As Tsinghua University law Professor Zhou Guangquan recently noted, ‘Criminalizing such acts will make it harder to carry out supervision and check that local party and government bodies are governing in accordance with the law.’”

Another form of detention that has been widely used in the Black Friday sweep is residential surveillance, a perhaps innocuous-sounding form of confinement which in fact allows suspects to be held outside the relative safety of the formal criminal detention system. CHRD reported on Wednesday that lawyer Wang Yu, a central figure in the crackdown, has now also been placed under residential surveillance. George Washington University’s Donald Clarke points out a notice of residential surveillance for lawyer Xie Yuandong, who is accused of “stirring up trouble.” He describes Xie’s case as “a particularly glaring example” of the authorities’ disregard for the law:

The problem with all of this is that under Article 73 of the Criminal Procedure Law, which reflects a 2012 amendment designed to reduce police abuses of this procedure, “residential surveillance at a designated place” may be imposed on a suspect only for three crimes: “Where there is suspicion of the crime of endangering national security, the crime of terrorist activities, or the crime of receiving bribes in serious circumstances, and implementing residential surveillance at the suspect’s residence could hinder the investigation, then upon approval by the next higher people’s prosecutor’s office or public security authority, residential surveillance may be implemented at a designated place of residence[.]” (对于涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪、恐怖活动犯罪、特别重大贿赂犯罪,在住处执行可能有碍侦查的,经上一级人民检察院或者公安机关批准,也可以在指定的居所执行。)

Thus, placing Xie in residential surveillance at a designated place is an open-and-shut violation of the Criminal Procedure Law and is nothing more than kidnapping. Of course, the whole problem could easily have been avoided had the authorities had the wit to fill in the blank for the suspected crime with one of the eligible ones. But this is exactly the point: the law means so little to them that they can’t be bothered to understand or follow it even when it would be easy to do so. [Source]

International reactions to the crackdown now include a petition to China’s ambassador to the U.S. Cui Tiankai, organized by Amnesty International. Thai activists delivered another petition to the Chinese embassy in Bangkok this week, handing it to a man in a panda suit outside in the absence of any consular official willing to receive it.

At China Law & Policy, Elizabeth Lynch suggests that the U.S.’s official response should be to showcase the potential benefits of relinquishing a monopoly over legal power:

The Chinese government’s unprecedented and alarming attack on its weiquan lawyers comes only weeks before President Xi Jinping’s first state visit to the United States. Many have called on President Obama to cancel the visit because of the detention of these lawyers. But that would be a mistake. Instead, President Obama should take Xi’s visit as an opportunity to highlight the United States’ commitment to public interest lawyering by inviting many of the country’s various public interest lawyers to a meeting with President Xi. And not just the American Civil Liberties Union and the Center for Constitutional Rights, two organizations that repeatedly sue the federal government for its civil rights transgressions.

[…] Affordable housing, mental health issues, disability discrimination, these are all issues that China is currently grappling with and is why President Obama should highlighting the role that United States legal services attorneys have played in bringing these issues to the forefront and protecting these individuals’ rights in this country. Even though these cases appear to challenge the government’s authority, in the end this approach is necessary to provide an escape valve for growing societal pressures.

[…] State visits are highly choreographed affairs where words and actions matter. Too often this means that words that directly criticize are not said. But here, by inviting Xi Jinping to a session with U.S. public interest lawyers and their supportive corporate law brethren, such as Ms. Raskin, President Obama could get the message across that the Chinese government’s current behavior is not just in violation of its own law and international law, but is also self-defeating. Individual claims must be heard; this is why the United States and every state government continues to fund legal services organizations that directly challenge them. [Source]

As for the removal of Ling Wancheng, who according to Mingjing News founder Ho Pin “may have knowledge of more government secrets than anyone who has fled China since 1949,” the U.S. government’s hands may be legally tied. At Fortune, Claremont McKenna College’s Minxin Pei suggests that there are lessons for Beijing here, too:

Since Ling Wancheng is privy to secrets American intelligence agencies would die for, he is simply too valuable to give up. More importantly, legally and procedurally, returning him to China is far more complicated than Beijing would like to acknowledge. Unlike China, where the Communist Party is the law and defendants have no meaningful rights once they are in the custody of the police, the U.S. government is not above the law. Since Ling is now on American soil, he is protected by the same rights granted to foreigners temporarily residing in the U.S. With his wealth, Ling presumably can afford the best lawyers to make a strong case for political asylum on the ground that the Chinese government’s case against him is politically motivated.

Ling Wancheng’s case could cloud the pending state visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Washington in September. Because Xi himself has given high priority to extraditing fugitives abroad as part of his anti-corruption campaign, the presence of Ling Wancheng in the U.S. will not only be an embarrassing reminder of the limits of his power, but also deprive him much-needed leverage in prosecuting Ling Jihua, who may choose to defy the party rather than plead guilty and beg for leniency, as most of his fallen comrades have done.

However, Beijing should not be disheartened by this likely setback. If there is one lesson to be drawn from the Ling Wancheng case, it is the urgent need to reform China’s legal system and respect the rule of law. If China’s criminal justice system had the same transparency and protection of the rights of defendants as in most developed countries, Western countries would be more cooperative in returning Chinese fugitives.

[…] The greatest irony in the Ling case is that it is China’s lack of rule of law that shields fugitives like him abroad. [Source]

Xi’s consolidation of control in the legal arena is part of a broader trend. The Party’s grip has also tightened on academia, for example, as Tom Phillips reports at The Guardian

[… T]he clampdown under Xi still represents a disheartening turn for those who had hoped a period of greater relaxation was on the horizon. “I haven’t seen it so bad since the 1980s,” said Tim Cheek, a historian from the University of British Columbia in Vancouver who is an expert on Chinese intellectual life.

[…] “I didn’t see it coming and I don’t think many of us did. I thought the party would become more latitudinarian and more flaccid [under Xi]. But this is a real muscle-up to grandpa’s way,” said Cheek.

[…] “[Liberal academics] are very depressed. They see no way of stopping the logic and the direction of what Xi Jinping is doing because he is shutting down civil society – or putting very strong constraints on it – and they are hunkering down. They feel that what we are seeing now is what we are going to get for the next 10 years, which just stuns me. They think this is a long-term situation.”

[…] “We are all trying to figure out what it means,” he added. “The bad news is it is getting worse. There’s more supervision. There is more pressure. The good news is that my Chinese colleagues respond in a way that they have for decades, which is: they cope and they dissemble and they bide their time and they phrase things in another way. So I don’t see them giving up.” [Source]


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What Happened to the Detained Lawyers?

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Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) provides an update on the status of several of the lawyers who were part of the so-called Black Friday round-up that netted more than 300 lawyers and activists in July. For the seven who remain in custody under criminal detention, the 37-day detention limit has already been exceeded. According to CHRD, 22 of the original detainees remain in police custody: seven have been criminally detained, eight are under residential surveillance at a location designated by police, and the other seven have been disappeared:

The current crackdown is particularly alarming as it has targeted lawyers and authorities conducted themselves with complete disregard to the legal rights provided in China’s own law. State media reports on the detained lawyers was, in many instances, the first time families learned of their loved ones’ status after they went missing, and have yet to receive police notice of detention. Authorities have flouted many legal provisions outright, or used legal loopholes related to national security to deny due process rights. As most individuals have not been able to receive a visit from their lawyer, it is unknown if they have been tortured or mistreated in detention, which is likely due to China’s systemic problem with torture. A list of some of the known violations includes:

  • Breaking into private residences: In violation of Article 39 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China; Article 245 of the Criminal Law
  • Abduction of individuals: Article 239 of the Criminal Law
  • House searches without warrants: Articles 136 & 137 of the Criminal Procedure Law; Article 245 of the Criminal Law
  • Detention without a warrant: Articles 83 & 91 of the Criminal Procedure Law
  • Secret detention: Article 83 of the Criminal Procedure Law
  • Denying access to legal counsel: Article 37 of the Criminal Procedure Law
  • Intimidation of legal counsel: Articles 3, 33 & 37 of Lawyer’s Law
  • Exceeding legal limit for criminal summons: Article 117 of the Criminal Procedure Law
  • Exceeding legal limit for criminal detentions: Article 89 of the Criminal Procedure Law
  • Harassment of families including the elderly and children: Article 37 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China; and Category 4 (Crimes Infringing Upon Citizens’ Right of the Person and Democratic Rights) of the Criminal Law
  • State media aired confessions: Article 12 of the Criminal Procedure Law
  • Preventing lawyers from acting as counsel for detainees: Article 37 of the Criminal Procedure Law [Source]

Meanwhile, Pu Zhiqiang, one of China’s most prominent rights lawyers, has had his case delayed another three months, after over a year in detention without trial. Pu was detained a year before the Black Friday crackdown while commemorating the 25th anniversary of June 4th. Radio Free Asia reports:

Defense attorney Mo Shaoping told RFA that, by law, Pu’s case should have gone to trial within three months of being officially charged.

“However, with the approval of a higher court, it can be postponed for three more months if the court believes the case is a complicated one,” he said.

“This is what the Beijing Second Court did, and it was approved by the higher court.”

Mo said the extension was technically within the bounds of law, but said the basis for the move was questionable.

“I can’t say it’s against the law, but whether this is a complicated case or not is a different story and it depends whom you ask,” he said. [Source]

To help people better understand the kind of work for which many of the lawyers, including Pu, have been detained or otherwise harassed, Cao Yaxue and Wang Yaqiu at China Change describe 14 cases handled by China’s rights lawyers, including the Sun Zhigang case, which led to the abolition of the “Custody and Repatriation” detention; the Taishi Village case; and the melamine milk powder case, which sought compensation for victims of a milk poisoning scandal:

In China’s legal environment, the efforts of rights-defense lawyers often end in failure. In the eyes of the authorities, however, these Sisyphean efforts clearly represent a kind of defiance. Examining the cases that rights lawyers have taken on over the years helps us understand the origins and logic of the fierce repression they are experiencing under the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rule. [Source]

Some fear that the National People’s Congress may be attempting to legislate against lawyers’ defiance in court by including new rules about courtroom behavior in revisions to the Criminal Law. From Duihua Human Rights Journal:

One of the more controversial parts of the current proposal to amend China’s Criminal Law concerns the possible expansion of Article 309, covering the offense of “disrupting courtroom order.” Lawmakers have argued that new measures are necessary to “ensure the ability of the people’s courts to implement their adjudicatory powers in an independent and impartial manner” by punishing those who might try to use courtroom disruptions to influence judicial decision-making. They are responding to worries about a worsening atmosphere inside China’s courtrooms—particularly the sense that growing antagonism between judges and defense lawyers is helping to undermine the dignity and credibility of the courts in the public eye. Critics, on the other hand, argue that the proposal unfairly targets lawyers and will have a chilling effect on their ability to pursue vigorous defense on behalf of clients.

[…] At the heart of the debate over the proposed amendment to Article 309 is disagreement over the root causes of tension in the courtroom. Who is to blame when conflict erupts between the various parties at trial, especially between lawyers and judges? Are unscrupulous lawyers showing brazen contempt for the law and the courts, or are judicial bias and procedural violations forcing some lawyers to adopt more confrontational tactics as a form of protest? Regulating lawyer behavior through the threat of criminal sanctions might lead to a more orderly courtroom, but if defense lawyers become meek participants in judicial proceedings that remain arbitrary and biased, then this is likely to do little to enhance the courts’ reputation for delivering justice. On the contrary, imposing further limits on the fragile rights of lawyers may actually erode public confidence in the Chinese judicial system even further. [Source]

The official media offered a backhanded show of support for China’s lawyers by affirming their need for a “better environment” while also expressing the need for tighter regulations over their behavior. From Xinhua:

Meanwhile, Meng [Jianzhu, head of the Commission for Political and Legal Affairs of the CCP Central Committee] stressed that lawyers’ practices directly influence the public image of the profession, people’s belief in rule of law and confidence in social justice, urging them “to obey laws and regulations, stick to facts and exercise cautions in words and deeds.”

“Judicial workers and lawyers are key components of our socialist legal team, undertaking the task of protecting people’s lawful interests, ensuring correct implementation of the law and promoting justice,” he said.

Meng urged political and legal affairs organs to help establish “a new relationship” between judicial staff and lawyers so that they can “respect, support, supervise, treat each other equally and maintain normal communications and positive interactions.” [Source]


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River Crabbed: Tianjin Blast Victims Seek Brave Lawyers

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Following the series of explosions that devastated the port area of Binhai outside of Tianjin earlier this month, Weibo user DuanMojinLüshi (@段万金律师) reposted a screenshot of an affected Binhai homeowner’s appeal for legal help. The post was deleted from Weibo, but can still be seen in the FreeWeibo archives:

351x439x11147.jpg.pagespeed.ic.aSBAS_HkGS

#TianjinExposion A homeowner: I own a property in the hardest hit [of residences], Haicheng Tower 1. Neighborhood residents were preparing to hire lawyers to conduct reasonable, legal rights defense negotiations, but after contacting a few, discovered none are willing, perhaps because they don’t dare touch this affair. We’re now seeking help online. Are there any lawyers willing to help us? Please forward this if you see it. Thanks to everyone. Look at the comments, they’ll move you. #NationalCharacter (August 23, 2015) [Chinese

One such comment, also deleted from Weibo but available via FreeWeibo, suggested that last month’s so-called “Black Friday” detention of over 300 activists and rights lawyers, some of whom remain in police custody, may have scared lawyers away from considering cases related to an issue as sensitive as the Tianjin blasts:

NanjingLiXun (@南京李汛): After the Tianjin explosions, owners in a hard-hit neighborhood discovered there was no one to address grievances to, and no lawyers could be found for hire. Two months earlier, daring lawyers were snatched up and detained. ——All of a sudden I realize that the Communist Party really is great! It has such foresight! (September 23, 2015) [Chinese]

While the crackdown affected lawyers from across China, the New York Times’ coverage of Liang Xiaojun, a rights lawyer who was recently was prevented from boarding a New York-bound plane, notes his suspicion that Tianjin authorities could have issued the prevention order. Didi Kirsten Tatlow reports:

“They said I might endanger national security,” Mr. Liang said.

He said he believed the order may have originated with the Public Security Bureau in Tianjin, a city about 90 miles southeast of Beijing, where many of the lawyers are detained and which many lawyers see as the center of the crackdown.

“If the Tianjin Public Security Bureau issues a nationwide order, then the public security bureaus in other cities have to obey,” he said. […] [Source]


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Christians Who Opposed Cross Removals Detained

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Since 2013, over 1,200 crosses have been removed from Christian churches in Zhejiang province and several houses of worship in the region have been demolished. This summer, the removals and demolitions–which local authorities have repeatedly claimed are for “safety reasons” and part of a regional beautification campaign and not representative of a crackdown on Christianity–were castigated by both the government bodies overseeing Christianity in Zhejiang, and by high-ranking regional clergy, and a series of protests were staged. At The Guardian, Tom Phillips reports that several church activists have now been detained by security forces:

“At least nine people I know have been taken away by the police and that figure is still rising,” a church leader in the eastern province of Zhejiang – the operation’s focus – told the Guardian on Thursday afternoon.

“We think it is a campaign targeting church leaders across the province. It can only be a co-ordinated action initiated by the provincial government.”

[…] On Tuesday a wave of detentions – apparently designed to extinguish any further dissent – began. Plainclothes officers arrived at the homes of their targets with a list containing the names and photographs of local Christians, the church leader said.

“They said people who were taken away would be put under residential surveillance,” the pastor said. “We are all very angry. They didn’t inform people what charges they were being held on and they didn’t produce any documents. There are people outside my house. I know if I go out they might arrest me too.”

[…] The church leader said Zhejiang’s Christians would not be cowed by the police operation. “We are not intimidated by their tactics. We have not done anything wrong or against the law. Our actions are all restrained and reasonable while theirs are shady.” [Source]

Beijing-based lawyer Zhang Kai, who had been in the historically Christian city of Wenzhou, Zhejiang, appears to be among those detained. The Associated Press reports:

Yang Xingquan, a colleague of Zhang Kai, said on Thursday there has been no word on Zhang, who provided legal counsel for churches in Zhejiang in their resistance to the government order.

[…] Yang said Zhang and his assistant were taken away on Tuesday night from a church in Wenzhou city, which is known as the Jerusalem of the East because of its many churches.

Calls to Wenzhou police were hung up upon the mention of the lawyer. [Source]

At The New York Times, Chris Buckley notes that Zhang’s assistant Liu Peng is also missing, and situates their possible detention into the recent crackdown on rights lawyers and activists that netted over 300 last month, several of whom remain in detention:

Mr. Zhang appeared to be the latest lawyer detained in a widespread campaign to silence lawyers who take on causes anathema to the Communist Party, said Patrick Poon, who monitors developments in China for Amnesty International. Mr. Zhang’s cellphone was off.

[…] Since July, the Chinese authorities have detained hundreds of lawyers and activists who have sought to expand citizens’ rights by taking on politically contentious cases involving abuses of police power, restrictions on expression and restrictions on religion. Amnesty International estimated this month that more than 230 had been detained and at least 26 were still being held by the police.

Mr. Zhang and Mr. Liu were in Wenzhou advising Protestant churches about the demolitions when they appeared to be detained on Tuesday night, said Radio Free Asia, which first reported Mr. Zhang’s disappearance. Several pastors and preachers in Wenzhou were detained by the police on Wednesday, according to the report. [Source]


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The Case of Wang Yu, Emblem of China’s Human Rights Crackdown

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On July 9, human rights lawyer Wang Yu was detained from her Beijing home, becoming the first of nearly 300 rights activists and lawyers to be detained, questioned, prevented from travel, or otherwise missing over the next few days in what has become known as the “Black Friday” crackdown. While the majority have since been released, Wang and over a dozen others remain in detention, many in undisclosed locations. At The Guardian, Tom Phillips profiles Wang Yu, focusing on her work leading up to the detention and the mixture of fear and commitment amid her colleagues:

[Scholar of Chinese politics Roderick MacFarquhar] added that anyone who questioned [the Party’s] supremacy was “fair game” [in the Xi era].

Wang Yu, a commercial lawyer who began taking on human rights cases in about 2011, is one such person. In and out of the courtroom, Wang built a reputation as a fearless champion of the downtrodden and a perpetual thorn in the government’s side.

She defended feminist activists, members of the banned spiritual movement Falun Gong and Ilham Tothi, the respected Uighur academic who was last year jailed for life for inciting separatism.

[…] Some lawyers now refuse to discuss the recent detentions, apparently fearing reprisals. Others claim the repression will only inspire further resistance.

“China is still an authoritarian and conservative state and somebody has to make the sacrifice,” said Yu Wensheng, one of the movement’s newest adherents, during an interview at his spartan office overlooking Beijing’s urban sprawl.

“As far as I am concerned, we would rather face the regime’s oppression than have to bear the humiliation of bowing to it. I’m much happier facing oppression than standing by watching the wrongdoing and not trying to change it. Many human rights lawyers share my view on this, I think.”

[…] Almost two months after Wang Yu was seized, her whereabouts remains a mystery. […] [Source]

The Guardian also posted a short documentary based on interviews with Wang from last year about the 2013 case that likely led to her detention, adapted from a forthcoming full length documentary:

Wang Yu’s was the first of 20 prisoner profiles (#FreeThe20) published by the U.S. government in the lead-up to the 20th anniversary conference of the UN’s Beijing Declaration on women’s rights later this month:

Day 1: Wang Yu, China

Wang Yu  is a 44-year-old prisoner in the country where the historic 1995 Beijing Conference was held: China. Wang’s activism was sparked in 2008, when employees at a train station refused to let her board a train with her ticket. After demanding the right to board, Wang was assaulted by several men and then – even though she was the one who had been beaten – convicted to two-and-a-half years in prison for assault. She later told a reporter, “After my miscarriage of justice… I wanted to improve China’s human rights system.” Wang did that by taking on the cases of clients who other lawyers feared to represent. For her work, Wang has been harassed, threatened, and smeared in the State-run media. On July 9, 2015, Wang herself was detained. [Source]

As the campaign launched, U.S. Permanent Representative to the UN Samantha Powers mentioned Wang in her press conference:

Wang did that by taking on the cases of clients who other lawyers feared to represent, such as Ilham Tohti, a prominent Uighur scholar eventually sentenced to life in prison; Cao Shunli, a woman human rights activist who died in March 2014 after reportedly being denied medical treatment while in detention; and those who are known as the “Five Feminists” – young women who were detained in advance of International Women’s Day in March of this year for planning a campaign against sexual harassment. For her work, Wang has been harassed, threatened, and smeared in the state-run media. On July 9th, 2015, Wang herself was detained. So was her husband, along with their 16-year-old son. Wang and her husband remain in prison, where they have been denied regular access to a lawyer in custody and have not yet been charged. Their son was released, but is under constant surveillance and has been barred from leaving the country. When at least 159 Chinese lawyers and activists signed a petition calling for Wang’s release, many of them were detained as well.

Responding to attacks against her in the state-run press, Wang once wrote, “I believe that during this time of enlightenment and rapid development of the internet…any shameful attempt to smear me is doomed to fail.” She said, “The truth cannot be long hidden.” In raising Wang’s case today and others like it in the days to come, we aim to help her and others expose some of that truth. Let me repeat her name – it is Wang Yu.

We will continue to repeat Wang Yu’s name, and that of other women like her, over the coming days. […] [Source]

Last week, several supporters of Wang Yu are believed to have been detained for their roles in creating and mailing a T-shirt calling for her release.

Meanwhile, Ai Weiwei clarified his thoughts on the crackdown on human rights defenders in a public conversation with poet Liao Yiwu in Berlin on Wednesday. In August, the German Süddeutsche Zeitung quoted him as saying that “the tactics are not as unlawful as a few years ago. Of course the police have the right to arrest you if they think you’re suspicious.” From Nadja Sayej at The Guardian:

[…] “This audience expects me to speak about this sentence that I allegedly said, the arrest of lawyers is not a big deal,” said Ai. “When I said the arrest of all lawyers is not a major topic, I did not want to insinuate this is to be seen in the context of today’s laws. I meant it in the context of history. It has not been a major topic in our history.

“Lawyers are defending law, but law in a country where the system is not a healthy one, the lawyer could be arrested,” said Ai. “This will be the case until we have the rule of law.” Ai’s lawyer Pu Zhiqiang, who was arrested, still awaits trail. [Source]


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Chinese Rights Lawyer Could Face Spying Charges

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Beijing-based rights lawyer Zhang Kai is being held by Zhejiang authorities on suspicion of spying and disturbing public order after offering advice to local churches facing cross removals. The detentions of Zhang and others follow July’s “Black Friday” crackdown, in which nearly 300 activists and lawyers including 44-year-old Wang Yu have been questioned or detained. Tom Phillips at The Guardian reports:

Zhang Kai, a Beijing-based attorney, was seized by security officials on 25 August in Wenzhou, a city in the eastern province of Zhejiang sometimes referred to as China’s Jerusalem because of its large Christian population.

Zhang had been in Wenzhou offering legal support to churches battling a controversial Communist party demolition drive that has targeted Christian places of worship since late 2013.

[…] A notice from Wenzhou public security officials that was published on social media said Zhang – whose whereabouts are not known – was being held on suspicion of two crimes.

The first is “gathering and disturbing social order”, while the second, and potentially more serious, charge is “stealing, spying, buying and illegally providing state secrets and intelligence to entities outside of China”. [Source]

Zhejiang, known as China’s Jerusalem, is the site of a government campaign of cross removals and church demolitions that has been ongoing since 2013. The provincial government insists that the push is simply a matter of planning enforcement—though an official document leaked last year suggests otherwise—and voiced its commitment to combat “rumors” surrounding the demolitions, Global Times reports:

“Authorities’ crackdown on online rumors is just and fair,'” said a commentary on the front page of the Zhejiang Daily on Sunday, referring to the province’s anti-rumor which began in July.

It added that punitive measures on all illegal structures, including religious structures, are within the law and open to public scrutiny, which shows respect for “freedom of speech.”

Several alleged rumormongers in the cities of Wenzhou and Taizhou in Zhejiang have been punished for spreading false information, provoking trouble and deliberately distorting the facts about the “three revise and one demolition” campaign.

Some Christians were among them, along with “self-righteous” media and overseas websites that deliberately “twisted” the facts, in an attempt to spare illegal religious structures, according to the commentary. [Source]

Meanwhile, Reuters’ Michael Martina reports that Chinese authorities have released Peter Hahn, a Korean-American Christian aid worker arrested in 2014 over his non-profit work near China’s border with North Korea:

Supporters of Korean-American missionary Peter Hahn had said authorities targeted him because of his Christian faith and because of the small vocational school he ran.

His release comes ahead of a visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to the United States in late September, during which a draft Chinese law governing non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is expected to be a point of contention.

Hahn’s lawyer, Zhang Peihong, said his client, who has diabetes and has suffered strokes, was in stable heath and recovering in the South Korean capital, Seoul, after Chinese authorities released him on Aug. 17.

“It’s not that he has been freed (early). He was sentenced to nine months and those nine months have been served,” Zhang said.

Zhang told Reuters in July that authorities had dropped three of the four charges against Hahn, 74, probably for lack of evidence, leaving only the least serious charge of counterfeiting receipts. [Source]


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Pu Zhiqiang Trial Delayed; Rights Lawyers Restricted

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Beijing authorities have again delayed the trial of rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang, 16 months after his detention and four after his indictment for inciting ethnic hatred and picking quarrels. The latest postponement follows a series of suspected stalling tactics to extend Pu’s pre-indictment detention. From South China Morning Post’s Verna Yu:

Mo Shaoping said the Beijing No.2 Intermediate Court told him more than a week ago that his application for police to release Pu on bail was rejected.

[…] “No one should be regarded as a criminal before being convicted, but he has now been locked up for over a year – this is against the spirit of the rule of law,” Mo said, citing the reason he gave the court for demanding Pu’s release.

But the court rejected his request, saying Pu’s trial had been postponed for another three months in mid August and that Pu was in reasonable health.

[…] Pu’s wife Meng Qun has pleaded for his release, citing his various chronic illnesses, including diabetes, high blood pressure, coronary heart disease and prostate problems. [Source]

Pu’s case has become symbolic of a wider crackdown on Chinese civil society, which escalated in July with the detention or questioning of more than 200 rights lawyers and others connected with them. Twenty-two remain in custody, with several accused of conspiring to sway court cases by stirring up public opinion.

Last weekend, five rights lawyers were barred from traveling abroad by municipal public security authorities in Beijing, on the basis that they pose a threat to national security. From Ryan Kilpatrick at Hong Kong Free Press:

Chen Jiangang and Li Guobei were stopped at Beijing Capital International Airport on Sunday as they attempted to board flights to Hong Kong.

Customs officials at the airport were not aware of the reason they were barred from travelling, the lawyers said, and could not produce any documentation to substantiate the warning. When they tried contacting public security in Beijing, no one there was aware of their case.

On the same day, Huang Simin was stopped at Wuhan Tianhe International Airport and Liu Zhengqing was forbidden from crossing the border at Futian, Shenzhen. At 5pm on Saturday, Ge Yongxi was also stopped at the Futian border crossing, where customs officers similarly informed him of the Beijing PSB notice, recording the entirety of their exchange.

When Ge asked the officials for a copy of the notification, they said they did not have one. Ge questioned whether this was procedurally appropriate but officers said that were “only responsible for notifying [him] and had no responsibility for anything else.” [Source]

The absence of proper documentation has been a recurring theme since the start of the campaign.

The “Black Friday” detentions prompted a wave of protest from governments and legal organizations around the world. The American Bar Association struck a discordant note with a mild statement which NYU legal scholar Jerome Cohen described as “adequate” but somewhat short of “appropriate.” On his new blog, with harsh new regulations on foreign NGOs in China looming, Cohen explains the reasoning behind the ABA’s tepid response:

[…] Of course, even the outpouring of protest is not likely to be helpful in the sense of persuading XJP to call off the hounds, but it surely is helpful in supporting the victims and their colleagues and families and the hundreds of thousands of Chinese legal officials, judges, prosecutors, lawyers, legislators, law professors, journalists and activists who have been coerced into suffering this abomination in guilty silence. It is also helpful in letting the American legal profession and general public know more about reality in China today.

[…] Human rights NGOs that cannot set up shop in China have no hostages to fortune. Those like the ABA that have labored long and hard in China, with some staff devoting their lives to this kind of work, have a lot to lose if their protests lead to their ouster and the closing of their office. That was the principal articulated consideration motivating those within the ABA who preferred no statement or one that would have been ludicrous in the eyes of the world. Of course, one can say that their view too is based on money since their jobs and funding could be cut off by a hostile PRC reaction, but I think that a genuine zeal for law reform and a belief that their efforts have already produced tangible progress and will in the long run bear greater fruit was their primary motivation. Concern was also expressed that a strong statement might lead the PRC to impose sanctions against the persons of their American and especially Chinese staff in Beijing, an idea that seemed to carry weight with some within the ABA who know little about China.

So ABA leaders were called on to balance conflicting considerations, essentially to balance the speculative consequences of a strong statement against the less speculative consequences of failing to meet the challenge, including the ongoing but impossible to stop attack on China’s human rights lawyers and the damage to ABA’s reputation. Hence the compromise. […] [Source]

In an op-ed at The Washington Post, Justice Labs’ Robert Edward Precht argues that organizations must resist the chilling effects of China’s ongoing tightening of control:

Lawyers’ groups worldwide mobilized to make forceful statements criticizing the arrests, but the ABA has been noticeably quiet. As Yu-Jie Chen, a researcher at the U.S.-Asia Law Institute, stated in an online forum of China experts, “Protests from other lawyers’ groups are not only closely watched by Beijing but also rights lawyers themselves. Several Chinese rights lawyers with whom I have spoken have expressed how important it is for foreign lawyers’ groups to show public support for them and to protest about the Chinese government’s mistreatment of lawyers.”

More than two dozen lawyers’ groups from around the world have criticized the attacks on Chinese lawyers, but all eyes have been on the ABA.

[…] The ABA is not alone in facing moral dilemmas in China. In the past decade, environmental groups, foundations and universities have poured tens of millions of dollars into setting up offices and campuses in the country to extend their important missions to this growing global giant. Nonprofits, by definition, exist not to make money but to promote social values. Universities that are pledged to uphold academic freedom must navigate an environment in which faculty cannot freely speak on topics such as Tibet or human rights. They all face pressures not to offend their Chinese hosts, but the solution cannot be to compromise the values that define them. [Source]


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Is HK an Unsafe Harbor for Academic Freedom?

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At Times Higher Education, David Matthews looks at politically motivated press attacks against Hong Kong academics as well as Beijing’s growing interference in university governance that are illustrative of the broader loss of academic freedom and university autonomy in the territory:

Academic freedom and university autonomy is guaranteed by law in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, a number of scholars who are not “politically correct” – that is, they are too critical of Beijing – believe that they are being targeted by media smear campaigns from pro-communist newspapers, passed over for jobs, or blocked from taking senior management positions by university councils loyal to Beijing.

[…] The climate of academic life in Hong Kong has changed, agrees HKU’s Chan. “Only in the past couple of years have we seen direct attacks on academics. It’s no longer on your views, it’s your person,” he tells THE.

[…] So concerned have some scholars become by the broadsides against academics that in February they wrote a public letter urging pro-Beijing media to rein in their “vicious” attacks and to “exercise caution in guarding their reputation as self-respecting public media”. So far more than 1,000 students and staff from Hong Kong’s universities have signed it.

Other academics believe that the Hong Kong government, and therefore Beijing, is encroaching on academic autonomy by infiltrating university governance. Hong Kong’s chief executive, Leung – the man who last year became a hate figure to protesters who believed his true loyalties lay with Beijing rather than Hong Kong – is automatically chancellor of all universities in the city. Leung has varying levels of power over council appointments. At the University of Hong Kong, for example, he has the power to appoint both the chairman and another six members of its council, the body of up to 24 people that appoints the vice-chancellor. [Source]

The current struggle over the delayed appointment of Johannes Chan to the position of pro-vice-chancellor at the University of Hong Kong is one of the latest examples of Beijing’s interference in Hong Kong academia. In addition to academic appointments, intellectual exchanges between Hong Kong and mainland China have also been affected. This is illustrated by the unjustified barring of five mainland human rights lawyers from leaving for Hong Kong on so-called national security grounds. Ryan Kilpatrick report for Hong Kong Free Press:

Five human rights lawyers from mainland China were intercepted as they tried to make their ways to over Hong Kong over the weekend.

The lawyers, who left from Beijing, Shenzhen and Hubei province, were all told that Beijing’s Municipal Public Security had barred them from leaving the country on the grounds that they “threatened national security.”

Chen Jiangang and Li Guobei were stopped at Beijing Capital International Airport on Sunday as they attempted to board flights to Hong Kong.

[…] On the same day, Huang Simin was stopped at Wuhan Tianhe International Airport and Liu Zhengqing was forbidden from crossing the border at Futian, Shenzhen. At 5pm on Saturday, Ge Yongxi was also stopped at the Futian border crossing, where customs officers similarly informed him of the Beijing PSB notice, recording the entirety of their exchange. [Source]

 


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Activists’ Families Targeted as U.N. Commissioner Highlights Rights Concerns

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Xin Lijian was detained in August for providing financial support to liberal intellectuals. Now his son, Sydney University law student Xin Hongyu, has been advised to refrain from traveling to or communicating with contacts in China due to fears of collective punishment, a tactic that the Chinese government has increasingly resorted to in recent years. John Garnaut at The Sydney Morning Herald reports:

His father, an important financial patron of liberal intellectuals, disappeared in the middle of the night three weeks ago, amid China’s deepening political crackdown. And one distinguishing feature of this crackdown, apart from its severity and duration, is that security forces have been targeting children to put pressure on their parents to confess.

“If Hongyu returns to help his family in Guangzhou, he is likely become a hostage,” said Professor Feng Chongyi, of the University of Technology, Sydney, who is a friend of both father and son. “This is a return to the old imperial system known as ‘punish the nine categories of relatives and friends’.”

Officially, businessman Xin Lijian, 60, was arrested in the early hours of August 22 for accounting irregularities. […]

[…] But the real reason for his arrest, they say, is that he is provides crucial financial and other channels of support to a constellation of leading liberal writers, economists and other public intellectuals. They include Sydney blogger Yang Hengjun and former Guangzhou newspaper editor Chen Min, who writes under the pseudonym Xiao Shu. His downfall shows how President Xi Jinping’s two-year civil society crackdown is now undermining the political foundation of China’s economic reforms, said Xiao Shu. [Source]

In an open letter written to Chinese President Xi Jinping, meanwhile, Zhang Qing, the wife of detained Chinese human rights defender Guo Feixiong, details the plight that her family has suffered since her husband was put behind bars two years ago for “disturbing public order.” From Front Line Defenders at Medium:

I remember one time when my nine year-old daughter was followed too closely. She was frightened and quickly moved ahead of them, but the police still pursued her, moving even closer. When she got home she said: “If only I could do magic, I would make them vanish!”

The persecution of our family later escalated to the point they would no longer allow my two children to attend school: The police threatened Guo Feixiong: “We won’t let your son go to primary school. We won’t let your daughter continue on to middle school.” And they did exactly as they said. My children had to be out of school for a year. When my daughter matriculated, all of her classmates had middle schools to go to, but my daughter didn’t. I remember that every day I was worried about my daughter moving up into middle school — I wrote open letters, and went out constantly to look into schools.

Every time I came him, my daughter would open the door for me. Timidly, she would ask: “Have you found a school?” “No,” I would say, a lump in my throat.

They don’t just use prison, inflicting torture on adultsthey make things impossible for children, thinking nothing of destroying a child’s future. This sort of cruelty visited on associated [innocents] must be a rare thing whether in ancient times or in the present day, don’t you think? For me, this has been the greatest pressure, and this is the main reason we moved to the United States [in 2009] with the help of friends. [Source]

Elsewhere, loved ones of missing lawyer Li Heping, who was detained during an unprecedented “Black Friday” government crackdown on human rights lawyers two months ago, are speaking out despite warnings from the government to refrain from giving interviews to foreign media. John Sudworth at BBC reports:

Wang Qiaoling has been warned by the police not to give interviews to the foreign media but has decided to ignore the threat that it will make her husband’s case worse.

“If I don’t step forward, who’s going to speak for him?” she asks me. “I am his wife.”

Ms Wang’s nightmare began exactly two months ago, on 10 July.

[…] Sixty-one days later and counting – long past China’s upper limit of 37 days before the police have to charge or release a suspect – there has been no official notification of his whereabouts, his health and wellbeing or any details at all regarding the crimes for which he is supposedly under suspicion.

[…] In total, according to the figures compiled by the Hong Kong-based China Human Rights Lawyers’ Concern Group, since early July more than 280 human rights lawyers and activists and some of their relatives and assistants have been either summoned for questioning, formally detained or simply disappeared. [Source]

Meanwhile, Human Right Watch is calling on the United Nations Human Rights Council to hold China accountable for the death of human rights activist Cao Shunli. Cao was taken into custody two years ago yesterday and who subsequently died in detention after being denied medical treatment for several months.

“Cao Shunli paid the highest price for trying to participate in China’s rights review at the Council,” said Sophie Richardson, China director. “At the two-year mark of the detention that led to her death, it is shocking that there has still been no accountability, or any sign of an investigation.”

[…] Chinese authorities provided little explanation for their conduct surrounding her detention and death. At the time officials stated, “No one suffers reprisal for taking part in lawful activities or international mechanisms.” More recently some have suggested Cao was a criminal who was being prosecuted according to the law, or questioned whether she was a human rights defender.

In the Human Rights Council session immediately following Cao’s death, Chinese diplomats resorted to procedural tactics to block NGOs in Geneva from observing a moment of silence at the Council on the occasion of her death. Many observers noted that a state which sought to silence one of its most prominent human rights defenders then tried to stop other defenders to honor her memory with silence.

[…] “One of the Council’s greatest challenges is in holding all member states to account, including powerful governments like China’s,” said Richardson. “The Human Rights Council has an institutional responsibility to address all cases of state reprisals against those engaging with UN mechanisms. The time is past due for China to account for its actions. The Council’s credibility is at stake.” [Source]

U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein opened the Council’s current session with a statement in which he expressed concern at China’s crackdown on rights lawyers and at proposed new laws to regulate NGOs. He also referred to its efforts to restrict civil society at the U.N. itself.

Instability is expensive. Conflict is expensive. Offering a space for the voices of civil society to air grievances, and work towards solutions, is free.

When ordinary people can share ideas to overcome common problems, the result is better, more healthy, more secure and more sustainable States. It is not treachery to identify gaps, and spotlight ugly truths that hold a country back from being more just and more inclusive. When States limit public freedoms and the independent voices of civic activity, they deny themselves the benefits of public engagement, and undermine national security, national prosperity and our collective progress. Civil society – enabled by the freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly – is a valuable partner, not a threat.

[…] Some Member States have sought to prevent civil society actors from working with UN human rights mechanisms, including this Council. Session after session, they attempt to bar from accreditation – based on spurious allegations of terrorist or criminal activity – groups that strive to expose problems and propose remedies. Reprisals have targeted some activists who have participated in Council-related activities, undermining the legitimacy and credibility of the international human rights institutions. [Source]

In July, Zeid warned of the “extraordinarily broad scope coupled with the vagueness of […] terminology and definitions” in China’s new national security law.


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Translation: Pu Zhiqiang’s Wife Finds Strength

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Rights defense lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was detained in May 2014 after he attended a private discussion of the Tiananmen protests. It was not until this May that he was indicted for “inciting ethnic hatred” and “causing a disturbance and provoking trouble.” In August, a request for pre-trial release was denied, and his trial was postponed for three months.

Journalist Jiang Xue has written a profile of Pu Zhiqiang’s wife, Meng Qun, for the Hong Kong-based journal Asia Weekly (亞洲週刊). CDT has translated the article in full, based on a version published online. Asia Weekly notes that slight revisions were made to the print edition. This article also appears on the Asia Weekly website under the title “17 Months of Torment for Pu Zhiqiang’s Wife Meng Qun.” An official media directive has been issued ordering its deletion from mainland websites.

A Year as a Wife

Jiang Xue

“Even in the darkest of times we have the right to expect some illumination, […] and such illumination may well come less from theories and concepts than from the uncertain, flickering, and often weak light that some men and women, in their lives and their works, will kindle under almost all circumstances and shed over the time span that was given them on earth—this conviction is the inarticulate background against which these profiles were drawn. Eyes so used to darkness as ours will hardly be able to tell whether their light was the light of a candle or that of a blazing sun.”

—Hannah Arendt, “Men in Dark Times”

1

It is August 25. Clear skies, a hot day in Beijing. After leaving work at noon, Meng Qun grabs a quick meal in the hospital cafeteria, then rushes to catch the subway.

She carries a plastic bag containing a couple of undershirts and other clothes for her husband. In the course of her journey, she makes two subway transfers, exits at Shuangqiao Station, and then waits for a taxi. Sometimes she takes public transportation instead, riding a bus for eleven stops through the dusty Beijing suburbs where the city meets the countryside. Then she arrives in Dougezhuang.

The main entrance of the Beijing No. 1 Detention Center is well-concealed and lacks any signage. Outside the gray compound walls, there is a row of shrubbery which will turn a golden yellow in winter. She thinks it looks like “a mound of fire.” For now, there’s only an overgrowth of nameless wildflowers.

 

Meng Qun visits the detention center to bring clothes to her husband.

Meng Qun visits the detention center to bring clothes to her husband.

 

Every month, a standard request form for basic necessities is the only update she receives regarding her husband.

Every month, a standard request form for basic necessities is the only update she receives regarding her husband.

Meng Qun is 48 years old, a soft spoken physician with fair skin. Today she is wearing simple linen clothes and a pair of sneakers. Her only jewelry is a string of dark red prayer beads. She is a devout Buddhist.

From May 2014 to the present, it’s been fifteen months since she last saw her husband. The night before, she had just returned by train from her husband’s hometown in Luan County, Hebei, when she checked the mailbox and discovered her husband’s “letter” had arrived early. She was surprised and happy to the point of tears. You could call it a “letter,” but it’s actually nothing more than a standard monthly request form for basic necessities.

But this is enough to bring her comfort, and with the request form in hand, she has the justification to deliver clothes to her husband. Outside the detention center’s gray walls, she feels a bit closer to him.

Meng Qun is two years younger than her husband, and like him, she’s tall, five-foot-six. Her husband is nicknamed the “Giant Lawyer.” He is a chivalrous man. He was 49 years old when he welcomed the misfortune of this “practically predestined” prison time.

Over 40 years earlier, while Meng Qun was still in her mother’s belly, the Cultural Revolution was in full swing. When her father, a high school principal, was removed for investigation, her mother went to see him, on foot, shelling peanuts as she went. By the time she arrived, she had a bowl’s worth of peanuts, which she boiled for him to eat. Then she returned home.

When she was born, her father named her Meng Qun, saying that she should be part of the masses, the qunzhong, and nothing else. The Party pressed her father to change her name, but he didn’t, and she goes by Meng Qun to this day.

Now she is just like her mother was back then, making her way across the Beijing sprawl every month, going to a once unfamiliar place to see her husband.

 

2

On August 22, Meng Qun decided to take a trip to Luan County to see her husband’s relatives. On August 19, she had received the news of a three-month postponement of her husband’s trial.

She knows he can’t stop worrying. On the inside, he is thinking about his 89-year-old mother, his older brothers and sisters, his nieces and nephews, and his friends.

Every time she sends a message to him through the lawyers, she reiterates that everything is fine at home, don’t worry, staying healthy is the most important thing. But she knows that saying it over and over won’t help, so she went to check on his family for him.

She bought a train ticket for 4:50 a.m. on Saturday. On Friday night, she had arranged for a taxi to pick her up at 3:30 the next morning.

The stars were dim as the cab sped along Fourth Ring Road. Beijing was so quiet at that moment. She suddenly thought back to 26 years earlier, to that dawn in early summer. It was hot, dry, and windy that day, but at the same time, brutally cold.

 

浦志强妻子4

Top: Photo taken when Meng Qun and “the Giant” married in 1992. Bottom right: A young Meng Qun.

They met in the square that year. He was at a sit-in with a group of students from the University of Political Science and Law, tall and large, impossible not to notice. She was studying medicine, in her fourth year at university, and interning at a hospital. She was an “angel in white” at the square. Word came that someone was sick, so she hurried over with the stretcher-carriers. The patient turned out to be him.

June arrived. That day, there was something strange in the atmosphere, but she still went to the square with a backpack full of books to review for her exams. She didn’t pay attention to anything other than the fact that the previous day he had asked her, “Are you still coming tomorrow?”

That dawn is etched on her memory: in the darkness, there were only flashes of cold light from the soldiers’ helmets…

She graduated and became a doctor. He received a strict warning from the school and then struggled to find work. Finally, Professor Jiang Ping arranged for him to be the manager’s secretary at the Dazhongsi Produce Market. On National Day, 1992, they wed.

Time flew by, and in an instant, all those years had passed. A friend said that after that year, a lot of people changed, but not Old Pu. Meng Qun believed that to be true. He had never changed. It was as if he was still that passionate young man, hurting and crying out for his country.

Over the years, he rushed around championing the cause of the common people. But she, despite earning a doctorate in medicine, became even more reserved, and did not concern herself with the turmoil of the world around her. Instead, she concentrated on family matters, looking after the young and the old. Except for that early summer day every year, when that she would go with him to the square to quietly honor that memory.

Their time together was little, their time together great, and middle age rushed in. Fate is like a giant wheel: no one can guess how it will turn. In May 2014, she was suddenly torn from her cozy home and thrust into history.  

 

3

May 5, 2014 was the last time Meng Qun saw her husband before he lost his freedom.

At 11 p.m. the night before, she was already asleep when he came home. “National Security officers have asked me to tea. I’ll be out for a while,” he said, and he urged her to go back to sleep. But she couldn’t sleep. She turned on a reading lamp and waited for him. He finally returned after 2 a.m., explaining that he needed to get some clothing, because he might be gone for a few days.

As she watched his silhouette leave in the lamplight, she wasn’t overly anxious. “Drinking tea” was a regular occurrence, and “being travelled” was also normal. On National Day in 2010, the authorities forced Pu Zhiqiang to leave Beijing. No matter, he and Meng Qun, accompanied by police officers, toured Donglin Temple in Jiangxi and Jiuhua Mountain in Anhui. They made a sightseeing round, and she even dragged him to worship the Buddha.

Daybreak came, and she went to work. At midday, she received a text message from the police stating that they would come to her house in the afternoon and would require her cooperation.

She requested leave from work and rushed home. Downstairs, more than ten policemen were guarding her husband. In the elevator, he was cracking jokes with the neighbors, just like old times.

They searched their home for over two hours, carefully flipping through every item on the bookshelves. They confiscated a few books.

After 4 p.m., the search was complete. The police instructed her put together some clothing for Old Pu to take with him. Nothing with buttons, and no belts. She was flustered, and picked out a short-sleeved shirt with Ai Weiwei’s face on it. Annoyed, the police told her, “That won’t work.”

Finally, she pulled out their son’s school uniform: a pale yellow sweatshirt and track pants. Their son is even bigger than his father, so Pu could wear the uniform, though they wouldn’t fit well.

During a lull in the search, Pu said to Meng, “Don’t worry, I’ll probably be back very soon.” He urged her to take good care of herself. He also advised her that if she encountered any problems herself and needed a lawyer, she should turn to Zhang Sizhi and Gao Guangqing.

The police swarmed around him on the way downstairs. Meng carried the dog they had owned for over a decade as she walked him out and watched his large frame squeeze into the police car. She and the dog remained downstairs for a long time, staring off into the distance.

The next day, she received a phone call, requesting that she provide a signature acknowledging receipt of the notice of her husband’s detention.

 

4

The train arrives in Luan County at 7 a.m. This is a county town in the shadow of Tangshan. In 1976, over 200,000 lives were lost in the Tangshan Earthquake, and Luan County was almost entirely destroyed. That year, Old Pu was 11 years old. He and his adoptive parents left from the county town and went back to his biological parents’ village. It wasn’t until 1982, after he had graduated from Luan County Number One High School and tested into Nankai University that he truly left home.

Pu’s second oldest sister’s family is already waiting for her on the platform. As a boy, his father had sent him, the youngest son, to live with relatives. Even though they were not technically a family, blood is thicker than water, so how could those ties be severed? His second oldest sister asks Meng Qun, “Have you seen Zhiqiang lately?” Her eyes were full of worry.

About seven or eight kilometers away from the county town is Ligezhuang Village. On the road, big trucks boom by, and smoggy odors hang in the air. The county town is in Hebei’s flatlands. Steel mills and rock powder mills are everywhere. The economic development of the last few years has also brought environmental degradation.

The village is paved, but not well-planned. Buildings are scattered around haphazardly. The road back to the hillside is covered in sheep manure, and the thorny branches of red date trees extend out from the roadside. In the past, when they returned to his hometown, Pu would always take Meng up the hill to pick red dates and watch the trains go thundering past the village. In 1989, his adoptive father traveled across Tongzhou District to central Beijing, hoping to pull his son away from the square, but he did not succeed. In the summer vacation that followed, Pu, like many other university students at the time, fled back to his hometown and sought refuge on this desolate hillside.

 

Meng Qun shows family photos on her cell phone to her husband’s mother.

Meng Qun shows family photos on her cell phone to her husband’s mother.

Pu’s aging mother has been waiting by the door. The 89-year-old woman takes Meng Qun’s hand. Before she can speak, her withered eye sockets fill with tears for the son she had not seen in over a year.

Old Pu’s adoptive mother died in 2013. His adoptive father and biological father had passed away before then. All he has left on earth is his biological mother, so he especially cherishes and respects her.

Last May, when he was taken away, everyone kept the news from her. Then, one day, she heard his name on CCTV’s “Focus Report.” She knew something had happened to him.

Pu’s two older brothers arrive. The eldest is over 60, and has high blood pressure and heart disease. His health has deteriorated as he has worried about his little brother. “Have you seen Zhiqiang lately?” he asks. But he knows that only lawyers are permitted to see him, no family members. Meng Qun hasn’t seen her husband for 16 months.

No one blames him. His nephews are actually proud of him. One nephew, currently at university, says he didn’t realize he had such an impressive uncle until he learned about him online.

“But we don’t want him to be impressive. We just want him to be safe,” his eldest brother says in a muffled voice, smoking a cigarette and watching his mother wipe away a tear.

Meng Qun stays the night and returns to Beijing the next day. Before leaving, she places a string of prayer beads around his mother’s neck and tells her, “If you miss your son, pray to Buddha. Wait for him. Next time we’ll come back home together to see you.” Her calm seems to ease the family’s pain a bit.

 

5

On May 15 this year, Old Pu’s case entered the indictment phase. According to regulations, during this period it is not necessary for lawyers to apply for visitation privileges, but the detention center still put up obstacles. On June 2, his lawyer applied for visitation, but it wasn’t approved until June 23. After that point, it was unclear when another visit could be arranged.

Meng Qun was worried. She called the detention center. The person who answered said it was up to the leadership to decide. Meng Qun forced herself to hold her tongue. Disappointed, she hung up the phone, but not without first offering well wishes to the person on the other end.

On July 17, she went to the detention center to see the director. The director said that he answered to the next level of leadership and was not able to decide visitation times. “Who is that leadership?” she asked. But the director stayed silent.

On June 21, Meng Qun printed two copies of a complaint letter. Her friends told her to send it by express mail, not to go running around. She decided to make the trip anyway, because she feared that if she mailed the letter, the other side could claim to have not received it.

浦志强妻子6

When Meng Qun is alone, she often gazes into the distance from the windows of the house.

She asked for leave from work. She remembered how he had urged her not to take leave and allow her work to be affected, but now there is no other option. Fortunately, her colleagues are all kind-hearted and do their best to help her rearrange her schedule.

She rarely went out before, and when she did go out, it was just back and forth between work and home. Now she has no choice but to run around everywhere. Before she left home to lodge her complaint, she looked up the address, phone number, and bus routes on the Internet and took pictures of them with her cell phone, so she could reference them at any point.

She began her journey at 1 p.m. After leaving the hospital, she took a bus to You’anmen. When she stepped off, she looked around, confused, unsure of where to go next. Online it clearly said to walk about 300 meters and arrive at Banbuqiao Road, but in recent years, Beijing has changed too much. Even though she’s a Beijing native, Meng Qun still has a hard time finding her way. She asked an old woman fanning herself by the road for directions, and she asked a vendor. Under the brilliant sun, heat waves rolled off the asphalt and mingled with the haze.

“I suddenly realized that even though he’s being held in detention, at least he doesn’t have run around, or endure this hellish sun and sticky haze. And then I felt much more relaxed.” That’s what she wrote in her journal that day.

She arrived at Compound 44. An imposing wall ran north to south. She saw a security guard and asked him who she should talk to regarding the detention center. The young guard looked perplexed. So she had to ask a policeman. And afterward, she heard the policeman berating the guard, “Why did you let her in without credentials?”

She walked another 20 minutes to the prison management center. She was greeted by the sight of a pretty policewoman. But the officer quickly told her, “We don’t oversee matters involving the detention center.”

In her 20-year career as a doctor, Meng Qun had become accustomed to birth, aging, illness, and death. She wasn’t particularly “literary”—most of her writing was medical records. But now, she began to write letters to her husband.

“When he’s released, I’ll show them to him so that he’ll know what I was thinking about all this time.”

 

6

Meng Qun has two cell phones. One is the old phone her husband gave her, and the other is an iPhone that Ai Weiwei gave her after her husband was detained. To convince her to accept the gift, Ai said she could give it to Old Pu to take photos. She had to accept it. She says that Old Pu has a lot of friends she didn’t know before, but who have taken care of her in Pu’s absence. Once, a stranger added money to her phone card. “I’m very grateful,” she says.

Not long ago, a famous philanthropist visited Meng Qun and said that she was surprised at the strength and calm that Meng Qun demonstrated. “She was completely lost in the beginning, but over the course of this year, she’s made tremendous progress,” the philanthropist said.

And it’s true. Right after her husband’s troubles began, Meng Qun was beside herself. Previously, she had paid very little attention to public affairs, but after her husband was detained, she paid attention to everything. When it came to dealing with public opinion, she was completely outside her area of expertise. In regard to what defensive strategy she should employ, her friends were completely at odds with each other, and she was at a loss.

And then there was the terror she felt deep down. She remembered being jittery that whole month as people were detained one after another. She was worried that she would also be taken away. The memory of her father being struggled against during the Cultural Revolution periodically flashed before her eyes. She couldn’t help thinking that all of this could happen to her as well.

She didn’t dare tell her parents. Only her younger brother was running around with her. In the midst of anxiety and worry, her brother had a cerebral hemorrhage at a gas station one day, and medical assistance arrived just in time to save him.

She was afraid to return to her empty home because someone had carelessly leaked her address online. All she could do was rotate between the homes of relatives. The worst part was, she herself began experiencing health problems. She was worried that she had cancer. Her greatest fear is that she will die before his release.

“The moment you were taken away by the police, I suddenly became illiterate. I had no choice but to begin ‘opening my eyes to the world,’ and ‘fight illiteracy’ for myself,” she wrote in a letter to her husband. Thus Meng Qun, who had been hiding in her husband’s shadow, uninvolved in public affairs, began her interaction with the state apparatus.

At first, she was always nervous. There was a time when the police went to search her brother’s house and ordered her to come. She rushed over in a panic and ended up at the wrong building.

When the police actually came to talk with her, it was because she had written an open letter to Xi Jinping about how Pu’s lawyer couldn’t guarantee his right to normal visits with his client. Two officers, a man and a woman, had a long talk with her, saying that “people would take advantage” of her, and if she had any issues she should go through normal channels to handle them. “So, if you’re the ‘normal channel’ from now on, can you leave a phone number?” she asked.

The second time the police arranged to talk with her, she was not in good spirits, and she “had a bad attitude toward them.” “Pu has confessed,” they said. She angrily replied, “First of all, Pu is innocent. Second, I trust that he will not die, and that he will come back.”

Still, the police are polite to her, calling her “Doctor Meng.” And she always adds her “best wishes” at the end of a phone call, regardless of whether she is speaking with friends or police.

 

7

It is faith that has sustained Meng Qun, enabling her to be calm and withstand the stress.

On June 20, 2014, there was already a warrant for her husband’s arrest. Everything was about to fall apart. She had previously arranged a trip with her spiritual mentor and fellow believers to go on a pilgrimage to Palpung Monastery in Garze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan.

Even though the situation was precarious, and she was apprehensive, she decided to go. In the end, she felt it was the right decision. Amid the peaceful Tibetan grasslands and the sacred and benevolent atmosphere of the monastery, she released the nightmares that had been entangling her, and understood that first and foremost, she must accept and face her circumstances.

Two days later, she hurried back to Beijing. She remembers the journey that night. The air was misty and the mountain roads were perilous. Her husband’s face appeared continuously before her eyes, and behind him, the benevolent face of Bodhisattva. She felt that it gave her strength.

Returning to Beijing, she says, there was much less fear in her heart. Although everything was still in turmoil, she slowly, gradually got back on track.

 

When she misses her husband, Meng Qun looks through old photographs. The only jewelry she wears is a string of dark red prayer beads.

When she misses her husband, Meng Qun looks through old photographs. The only jewelry she wears is a string of dark red prayer beads.

“I’m slowly starting to understand that all these years he was taking the path of the bodhisattva, for the benefit of all,” she says. In April 2015, she wrote in an open letter to her husband, “Life is self-cultivation, to be a bodhisattva is to take on burdens… Through the strength of your vow of faith and the morality of your conduct, your suffering has illuminated the path before me.”

Just as before, she gives every person she meets a red or gold knot symbolizing good luck. When she goes to deliver clothing and other articles to her husband, she gives these knots to the policemen. Outside the entrance to the detention center, she gives them to the guards, too. Some people gaze at her indifferently, ignore the gesture, and walk away. Once, a pretty policewoman happily accepted the gift and thanked her.

Before, the majority of her WeChat friend circle was comprised of fellow Buddhists, and she would rarely forward “serious” messages. Now, her friend circle includes a lot of people who care about Old Pu, and she has started to forward messages that advocate for the wellbeing of the country and society.

“I believe that if these things are broadcast, people will see them, and people will be enlightened. I myself was enlightened by my WeChat circle,” she says.

She is no longer nervous when she sees police. She is gaining inner strength. “I’m no longer afraid of losing anything. Once, I told my spiritual mentor, even if I die now, I’ll still be a disciple of Buddha.”

Nevertheless, she is still suffering. Often, when she thinks of him, she starts to cry. She’ll think of the way life was before, when they rented a little one-story house in Beijing, and he borrowed a cart from the neighbors to go buy cabbage for the winter. Their son sat in the cart, and the sound of his laughter echoed down the alleyway.

She also thinks of 2009, when he led everyone back on the train from Deng Yujiao’s trial, and so many “fans” went to receive him at Beijing’s West Train Station. She hid in the crowd, taking pictures. Looking at him, “I felt joyous relief that he had emerged unharmed.”

She also remembers when the two of them watched the film “The Attorney” at home, and his eyes filled with tears. Hers did, too. She couldn’t help but say to him, “Actually, Chinese defense attorneys are even more impressive. They face even more hardship.”

These days, all she can do is urge him to read the scriptures, calm his mind, and take good care of his body. She worries that his 89-year-old mother won’t be able to hold on until he comes back. The dog that the family has owned for more than a decade is also old and might not survive until his return.

On August 18, she sent the Beijing Detention Center an application for “bail while awaiting trial,” requesting that Old Pu’s poor health be taken into consideration.

On August 31, Pu’s acting lawyer Shang Baojun received a phone call from the judge, who told Shang that the request for bail had not been approved because “Mr. Pu is still able to take care of himself, and so does not meet the requirements for bail.”

But Meng Qun never forgets to bring her national ID card every time she goes out. “You never know when they’ll tell me I can take him home.” [Chinese]

Translation by Heidi.


© Anne.Henochowicz for China Digital Times (CDT), 2015. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
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Minitrue: Delete Profile of Pu Zhiqiang’s Wife Meng Qun

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The following censorship instructions, issued to the media by government authorities, have been leaked and distributed online. The name of the issuing body has been omitted to protect the source.

All websites take note and delete the unauthorized foreign media report “17 Months of Torment for Pu Zhiqiang’s Wife Meng Qun.” (October 8, 2015) [Chinese]

A profile of Meng Qun, wife of detained and indicted rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang, was published to the website of the Hong Kong-based journal Asia Weekly (亞洲週刊) last week. CDT has translated the online version of the profile in full.

真Since directives are sometimes communicated orally to journalists and editors, who then leak them online, the wording published here may not be exact. The date given may indicate when the directive was leaked, rather than when it was issued. CDT does its utmost to verify dates and wording, but also takes precautions to protect the source.


© josh rudolph for China Digital Times (CDT), 2015. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
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Rights Lawyer’s Teenage Son Detained in Myanmar

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On July 9, rights lawyer Wang Yu was detained from her home in Beijing, and her 16-year-old son Bao Zhuoxuan was detained at the airport with his father on their way to Australia, where he planned to study. In subsequent weeks, more than 200 rights lawyers and activists were rounded up for questioning or brief detentions, while at least 26 of those “have been criminally detained or placed under residential surveillance at a designated place without access to lawyers,” according to China Change. Wang Yu remains in detention on suspicion of “subversion,” and her family have been repeatedly visited by police, who confiscated Bao Zhuoxuan’s passport. It has now been reported that Bao Zhuoxuan has disappeared from a guesthouse in Myanmar, where he was traveling with two adult guardians en route to the U.S. San Francisco-based activist Zhou Fengsuo had planned to meet them in Thailand. From China Change:

The hotel owner said that a dozen or so policemen had come, displayed Burmese law enforcement IDs, and taken all three away.

On October 7, friends and at least a lawyer went to local police bureau to make inquiries about the three, but the police denied of detaining anyone. They then visited the local Burmese law and politics office but found no information about the three.

Friends then reported the missing of the three to local police, demanding the Burmese authorities to search for them. Afterwards, friends went back to Huadu Guest House to ask more questions. Upon arriving, they saw two Burmese policemen speaking to the owner. After the police left, the female owner wouldn’t answer any of their questions anymore. [Source]

Chris Buckley reports for the New York Times:

Mong La, the town where Mr. Bao disappeared, is part of an unruly enclave thronged by Chinese people, many of them gamblers and smugglers crossing the porous border. Chinese nationals can enter the area even without a passport. The local overlord is a former Communist rebel, Sai Leun, who runs what is officially known as Special Region No. 4.

Mr. Zhou said the men who took away Mr. Bao and the two other men appeared to be police officers.

But U Zaw Htay, an official in the Myanmar president’s office in Naypyidaw, the capital, said his government had played no role in the apparent detention.

“The Myanmar government wasn’t involved in any matter there,” he said. “We don’t know about the arrest of the Chinese lawyer’s son. Of course, Mong La is close to the Chinese authorities.” [Source]

As Philip Wen reports for Fairfax Media, Bao was traveling through Myanmar without a passport, and his current whereabouts and those of his companions, Tang Zhishun and Xing Qingxian, are unknown:

The route through Myanmar represented Mr Bao’s best chance of fleeing China given his passport had been confiscated by Chinese authorities when he was forcibly stopped from his boarding his flight to Australia in July.

“I started to scream but one of the men put his hand over my mouth,” Mr Bao told Fairfax Media in a phone interview in July. The teenager was thrown into a van and detained alone for two nights, before being released to family in Tianjin and then Inner Mongolia. [Source]

Read more about Wang Yu and the detention of rights lawyers this summer, via CDT. Refinery29 also published a profile of Wang Yu last week. The Leitner Center for International Law and Justice and the Committee to Support Chinese Lawyers recently released a report titled, “Plight and Prospects: The Landscape for Cause Lawyers in China.”


© Sophie Beach for China Digital Times (CDT), 2015. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
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